The Popol Vuh

The "Popol Vuh" is the New World's richest mythological mine. No

translation of it has as yet appeared in English, and no adequate

translation in any European language. It has been neglected to a

certain extent because of the unthinking strictures passed upon

its authenticity. That other manuscripts exist in Guatemala than

the one discovered by Ximenes and transcribed by Scherzer and

Brasseur de Bourbourg is probable. So thought Brinton, and the

present writer shares his belief. And ere it is too late it would

be well that these--the only records of the faith of the builders of

the mystic ruined and deserted cities of Central America--should be

recovered. This is not a matter that should be left to the enterprise

of individuals, but one which should engage the consideration of

interested governments; for what is myth to-day is often history

to-morrow.

LEWIS SPENCE.

July 1908.

THE POPOL VUH

[The numbers in the text refer to notes at the end of the study]

There is no document of greater importance to the study of the

pre-Columbian mythology of America than the "Popol Vuh." It is the

chief source of our knowledge of the mythology of the Kiché people of

Central America, and it is further of considerable comparative value

when studied in conjunction with the mythology of the Nahuatlacâ, or

Mexican peoples. This interesting text, the recovery of which forms one

of the most romantic episodes in the history of American bibliography,

was written by a Christianised native of Guatemala some time in the

seventeenth century, and was copied in the Kiché language, in which

it was originally written, by a monk of the Order of Predicadores, one

Francisco Ximenes, who also added a Spanish translation and scholia.

The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, a profound student of American

archæology and languages (whose euhemeristic interpretations of

the Mexican myths are as worthless as the priceless materials he

unearthed are valuable) deplored, in a letter to the Duc de Valmy,

made use of early in the nineteenth century by a certain Don Felix

Cabrera. Dr. C. Scherzer, an Austrian scholar, thus made aware of

its value, paid a visit to the Republic of Guatemala in 1854 or 1855,

and was successful in tracing the missing manuscript in the library

of the University of San Carlos in the city of Guatemala. It was

afterwards ascertained that its scholiast, Ximenes, had deposited it

in the library of his convent at Chichicastenango, whence it passed

to the San Carlos library in 1830.

Scherzer at once made a copy of the Spanish translation of the

manuscript, which he published at Vienna in 1856 under the title

of "Las Historias del origen de los Indios de Guatemala, par el

R. P. F. Francisco Ximenes." The Abbé Brasseur also took a copy of

the original, which he published at Paris in 1861, with the title

"Vuh Popol: Le Livre Sacré de Quichés, et les Mythes de l'Antiquité

Américaine." In this work the Kiché original and the Abbe's French

translation are set forth side by side. Unfortunately both the Spanish

and the French translations leave much to be desired so far as their

accuracy is concerned, and they are rendered of little use by reason

of the misleading notes which accompany them.

The name "Popol Vuh" signifies "Record of the Community," and

its literal translation is "Book of the Mat," from the Kiché word

"pop" or "popol," a mat or rug of woven rushes or bark on which the

entire family sat, and "vuh" or "uuh," paper or book, from "uoch"

to write. The "Popol Vuh" is an example of a world-wide genre--a

type of annals of which the first portion is pure mythology, which

gradually shades off into pure history, evolving from the hero-myths

of saga to the recital of the deeds of authentic personages. It may,

in fact, be classed with the Heimskringla of Snorre, the Danish

History of Saxo-Grammaticus, the Chinese History in the Five Books,

the Japanese "Nihongi," and, so far as its fourth book is concerned,

it somewhat resembles the Pictish Chronicle.

The language in which the "Popol Vuh" was written, was, as has been

said, the Kiché, a dialect of the great Maya-Kiché tongue spoken at the

time of the Conquest from the borders of Mexico on the north to those

of the present State of Nicaragua on the south; but whereas the Mayan

was spoken in Yucatan proper, and the State of Chiapas, the Kiché was

the tongue of the peoples of that part of Central America now occupied

by the States of Guatemala, Honduras and San Salvador, where it is

still used by the natives. It is totally different to the Nahuatl,

the language of the people of Anahuac or Mexico, both as regards

its origin and structure, and its affinities with other American

tongues are even less distinct than the those between the Slavonic

and Teutonic groups. Of this tongue the "Popol Vuh" is practically

the only monument; at all events the only work by a native of the

district in which it was used. A cognate dialect, the Cakchiquel,

produced the "Annals" of that people, otherwise known as "The Book of

Chilan Balam," a work purely of genealogical interest, which may be

consulted in the admirable translation of the late Daniel G. Brinton.

The Kiché people at the time of their discovery, which was immediately

subsequent to the fall of Mexico, had in part lost that culture which

was characteristic of the Mayan race, the remnants of which have

excited universal wonder in the ruins of the vast desert cities of

Central America1. At a period not far distant from the Conquest the

once centralised Government of the Mayan peoples had been broken up

into petty States and Confederacies, which in their character recall

the city-states of mediæval Italy. In all probability the civilisation

possessed by these peoples had been brought them by a race from

Mexico called the Toltecs2, who taught them the arts of building

in stone and writing in hieroglyphics, and who probably influenced

their mythology most profoundly. The Toltecs were not, however, in

any way cognate with the Mayans, and were in all likelihood rapidly

absorbed by them. The Mayans were notably an agricultural people,

and it is not impossible that in their country the maize-plant was

first cultivated with the object of obtaining a regular cereal supply3.

Such, then, were the people whose mythology produced the body of

tradition and mythi-history known as the "Popol Vuh"; and ere we pass

to a consideration of their beliefs, their gods, and their religious

affinities, it will be well to summarise the three books of it which

treat of these things, as fully as space will permit, using for that

purpose both the French translation of Brasseur and the Spanish one

of Ximenes.

Over a universe wrapped in the gloom of a dense and primeval night

passed the god Hurakan, the mighty wind. He called out "earth,"

and the solid land appeared. The chief gods took counsel; they were

Hurakan, Gucumatz, the serpent covered with green feathers, and

Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the mother and father gods. As the result of

their deliberations animals were created. But as yet man was not. To

supply the deficiency the divine beings resolved to create mannikins

carved out of wood. But these soon incurred the displeasure of the

gods, who, irritated by their lack of reverence, resolved to destroy

them. Then by the will of Hurakan, the Heart of Heaven, the waters

were swollen, and a great flood came upon the mannikins of wood. They

were drowned and a thick resin fell from heaven. The bird Xecotcovach

tore out their eyes; the bird Camulatz cut off their heads; the bird

Cotzbalam devoured their flesh; the bird Tecumbalam broke their bones

and sinews and ground them into powder. Because they had not thought

on Hurakan, therefore the face of the earth grew dark, and a pouring

rain commenced, raining by day and by night. Then all sorts of beings,

great and small, gathered together to abuse the men to their faces. The

very household utensils and animals jeered at them, their mill-stones,

their plates, their cups, their dogs, their hens. Said the dogs and

hens, "Very badly have you treated us, and you have bitten us. Now we

bite you in turn." Said the mill-stones (metates [2]), "Very much were

we tormented by you, and daily, daily, night and day, it was squeak,

screech, screech, [3] for your sake. Now you shall feel our strength,

and we will grind your flesh and make meal of your bodies." And the

dogs upbraided the mannikins because they had not been fed, and tore

the unhappy images with their teeth. And the cups and dishes said,

"Pain and misery you gave us, smoking our tops and sides, cooking us

over the fire, burning and hurting us as if we had no feeling. Now it

is your turn, and you shall burn." Then ran the mannikins hither and

thither in despair. They climbed to the roofs of the houses, but the

houses crumbled under their feet; they tried to mount to the tops of

the trees, but the trees hurled them from them; they sought refuge in

the caverns, but the caverns closed before them. Thus was accomplished

the ruin of this race, destined to be overthrown. And it is said that

their posterity are the little monkeys who live in the woods.

After this catastrophe, ere yet the earth was quite recovered from

the wrath of the gods, there existed a man "full of pride," whose name

was Vukub-Cakix. The name signifies "Seven-times-the-colour-of-fire,"

or "Very brilliant," and was justified by the fact that its owner's

eyes were of silver, his teeth of emerald, and other parts of his

anatomy of precious metals. In his own opinion Vukub-Cakix's existence

rendered unnecessary that of the sun and the moon, and this egoism

so disgusted the gods that they resolved upon his overthrow. His two

sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan (earth-heaper [4] (?) and earthquake),

were daily employed, the one in heaping up mountains, and the

other in demolishing them, and these also incurred the wrath of

the immortals. Shortly after the decision of the deities the twin

hero-gods Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque came to earth with the intention of

chastising the arrogance of Vukub-Cakix and his progeny.

Now Vukub-Cakix had a great tree of the variety known in Central

America as "nanze" or "tapal," bearing a fruit round, yellow, and

aromatic, and upon this fruit he depended for his daily sustenance. One

day on going to partake of it for his morning meal he mounted to

its summit in order to espy the choicest fruits, when to his great

indignation he discovered that Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque had been before

him, and had almost denuded the tree of its produce. The hero-gods,

who lay concealed within the foliage, now added injury to theft by

hurling at Vukub-Cakix a dart from a blow-pipe, which had the effect

of precipitating him from the summit of the tree to the earth. He

arose in great wrath, bleeding profusely from a severe wound in the

jaw. Hun-Ahpu then threw himself upon Vukub-Cakix, who in terrible

anger seized the god by the arm and wrenched it from the body. He then

proceeded to his dwelling, where he was met and anxiously interrogated

by his spouse Chimalmat. Tortured by the pain in his teeth and jaw he,

in an excess of spite, hung Hun-Ahpu's arm over a blazing fire, and

then threw himself down to bemoan his injuries, consoling himself,

however, with the idea that he had adequately avenged himself upon

the interlopers who had dared to disturb his peace.

But Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque were in no mind that he should escape

so easily, and the recovery of Hun-Ahpu's arm must be made at all

hazards. With this end in view they consulted two venerable beings

in whom we readily recognise the father-mother divinities, Xpiyacoc

and Xmucane4, disguised for the nonce as sorcerers. These personages

accompanied Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to the abode of Vukub-Cakix, whom

they found in a state of intense agony. The ancients persuaded him

to be operated upon in order to relieve his sufferings, and for his

glittering teeth they substituted grains of maize. Next they removed

his eyes of emerald, upon which his death speedily followed, as did

that of his wife Chimalmat. Hun-Ahpu's arm was recovered, re-affixed

to his shoulder, and all ended satisfactorily for the hero-gods.

But their mission was not yet complete. The sons of Vukub-Cakix,

Zipacna and Cabrakan, remained to be accounted for. Zipacna consented,

at the entreaty of four hundred youths, incited by the hero-gods,

to assist them in transporting a huge tree which was destined for the

roof-tree of a house they were building. Whilst assisting them he was

beguiled by them into entering a great ditch which they had dug for the

purpose of destroying him, and when once he descended was overwhelmed

by tree-trunks by his treacherous acquaintances, who imagined him

to be slain. But he took refuge in a side-tunnel of the excavation,

cut off his hair and nails for the ants to carry up to his enemies as

a sign of his death, waited until the youths had become intoxicated

with pulque because of joy at his supposed demise, and then, emerging

from the pit, shook the house that the youths had built over his body

about their heads, so that all were destroyed in its ruins.

But Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque were grieved that the four hundred

had perished, and laid a more efficacious trap for Zipacna. The

mountain-bearer, carrying the mountains by night, sought his

sustenance by day by the shore of the river, where he lived upon

fish and crabs. The hero-gods constructed an artificial crab which

they placed in a cavern at the bottom of a deep ravine. The hungry

titan descended to the cave, which he entered on all-fours. But a

neighbouring mountain had been undermined by the divine brothers,

and its bulk was cast upon him. Thus at the foot of Mount Meavan

perished the proud "Mountain Maker," whose corpse was turned into

stone by the catastrophe.

Of the family of boasters only Cabrakan remained. Discovered by the

hero-gods at his favourite pastime of overturning the hills, they

enticed him in an easterly direction, challenging him to overthrow a

particularly high mountain. On the way they shot a bird with their

blow-pipes, and poisoned it with earth. This they gave to Cabrakan

to eat. After partaking of the poisoned fare his strength deserted

him, and failing to move the mountain he was bound and buried by the

victorious hero-gods.

Mystery veils the commencement of the Second Book of the "Popol

Vuh." The theme is the birth and family of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque,

and the scribe intimates that only half is to be told concerning the

history of their father. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the father and mother

deities, had two sons, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunahpu, the first being,

so far as can be gathered, a bi-sexual personage. He had by a wife,

Xbakiyalo, two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchouen, men full of wisdom and

artistic genius. All of them were addicted to the recreation of

dicing and playing at ball, and a spectator of their pastimes was

Voc, the messenger of Hurakan. Xbakiyalo having died, Hunhun-Ahpu

and Vukub-Hunahpu, leaving the former's sons behind, played a game of

ball which in its progress took them into the vicinity of the realm

of Xibalba (the underworld). This reached the ears of the monarchs

of that place, Hun-Came and Vukub-Came, who, after consulting their

counsellors, challenged the strangers to a game of ball, with the

object of defeating and disgracing them.

For this purpose they dispatched four messengers in the shape of

owls. The brothers accepted the challenge, after a touching farewell

with their mother Xmucane, and their sons and nephews, and followed

the feathered heralds down the steep incline to Xibalba from the

playground at Ninxor Carchah. [5] After an ominous crossing over a

river of blood they came to the residence of the kings of Xibalba,

where they underwent the mortification of mistaking two wooden

figures for the monarchs. Invited to sit on the seat of honour,

they discovered it to be a red-hot stone, and the contortions which

resulted from their successful trick caused unbounded merriment

among the Xibalbans. Then they were thrust into the House of Gloom,

where they were sacrificed and buried. The head of Hunhun-Ahpu was,

however, suspended from a tree, which speedily became covered with

gourds, from which it was almost impossible to distinguish the bloody

trophy. All in Xibalba were forbidden the fruit of that tree.

But one person in Xibalba had resolved to disobey the mandate. This

was the virgin princess Xquiq (Blood), the daughter of Cuchumaquiq,

who went unattended to the spot. Standing under the branches gazing

at the fruit, the maiden stretched out her hand, and the head of

Hunhun-Ahpu spat into the palm. The spittle caused her to conceive,

and she returned home, being assured by the head of the hero-god that

no harm should result to her. This thing was done by order of Hurakan,

the Heart of Heaven. In six months' time her father became aware of

her condition, and despite her protestations the royal messengers

of Xibalba, the owls, received orders to kill her and return with

her heart in a vase. She, however, escaped by bribing the owls with

splendid promises for the future to spare her and substitute for her

heart the coagulated sap of the blood-wart.

In her extremity Xquiq went for protection to the home of Xmucane,

who now looked after the young Hunbatz and Hunchouen. Xmucane would

not at first believe her tale. But Xquiq appealed to the gods, and

performed a miracle by gathering a basket of maize where no maize grew,

and thus gained her confidence.

Shortly afterwards Xquiq became the mother of twin boys, the heroes

of the First Book, Hun-Ahpu, and Xbalanque. These did not find

favour in the eyes of Xmucane, their grandmother. Their infantile

cries aroused the wrath of this venerable person, and she vented

it upon them by turning them out of doors. They speedily took to

an outdoor life, however, and became mighty hunters, and expert in

the use of their blow-pipes, with which they shot birds and other

small game. The ill-treatment which they received from Hunbatz and

Hunchouen caused them at last to retaliate, and those who had made

their lives miserable were punished by being transformed by the divine

children into apes. The venerable Xmucane, filled with grief at the

metamorphosis and flight of her ill-starred grandsons, who had made

her home joyous with their singing and flute-playing, was told that

she would be permitted to behold their faces once more if she could

do so without losing her gravity, but their antics and grimaces caused

her such merriment that on three separate occasions she was unable to

restrain her laughter and the men-monkeys appeared no more. Hun-Ahpu

and Xbalanque now became expert musicians, and one of their favourite

airs was that of "Hun-Ahpu qoy," the "monkey of Hun-Ahpu."

The divine twins were now old enough to undertake labour in

the field, and their first task was the clearing of a milpa or

maize-plantation. They were possessed of magic tools, which had the

merit of working themselves in the absence of the young hunters at

the chase, and those they found a capital substitute for their own

directing presence upon the first day. Returning at night from hunting,

they smeared their faces and hands with dirt so that Xmucane might

be deceived into imagining that they had been hard at work in the

maize-field. But during the night the wild beasts met and replaced

all the roots and shrubs which the brothers--or rather their magic

tools--had removed. The twins resolved to watch for them on the

ensuing night, but despite all their efforts the animals succeeded

in making good their escape, save one, the rat, which was caught

in a handkerchief. The rabbit and deer lost their tails in getting

away. The rat, in gratitude that they had spared its life, told them of

the glorious deeds of their great fathers and uncles, their games at

ball, and of the existence of a set of implements necessary to play

the game which they had left in the house. They discovered these,

and went to play in the ball-ground of their fathers.

It was not long, however, until Hun-Came and Vukub-Came, the princes of

Xibalba, heard them at play, and decided to lure them to the Underworld

as they had lured their fathers. Messengers were despatched to the

house of Xmucane, who, filled with alarm, despatched a louse to carry

the message to her grandsons. The louse, wishing to ensure greater

speed to reach the brothers, consented to be swallowed by a toad, the

toad by a serpent, and the serpent by the great bird Voc. The other

animals duly liberated one another; but despite his utmost efforts,

the toad could not get rid of the louse, who had played him a trick by

lodging in his gums, and had not been swallowed at all. The message,

however, was duly delivered, and the players returned home to take

leave of their grandmother and mother. Before their departure they

each planted a cane in the middle of the house, which was to acquaint

those they left behind with their welfare, since it would wither if

any fatal circumstance befel them.

Pursuing the route their fathers had followed, they passed the river

of blood and the river Papuhya. But they sent an animal called

Xan as avant courier with orders to prick all the Xibalbans with

a hair from Hun-Ahpu's leg, thus discovering those of the dwellers

in the Underworld who were made of wood--those whom their fathers

had unwittingly bowed to as men--and also learning the names of the

others by their inquiries and explanations when pricked. Thus they

did not salute the mannikins on their arrival at the Xibalban court,

nor did they sit upon the red-hot stone. They even passed scatheless

through the first ordeal of the House of Gloom. The Xibalbans were

furious, and their wrath was by no means allayed when they found

themselves beaten at the game of ball to which they had challenged

the brothers. Then Hun-Came and Vukub-Came ordered the twins to bring

them four bouquets of flowers, asking the guards of the royal gardens

to watch most carefully, and committed Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque to the

"House of Lances"--the second ordeal--where the lancers were directed

to kill them. The brothers, however, had at their beck and call a

swarm of ants, which entered the royal gardens on the first errand, and

they succeeded in bribing the lancers. The Xibalbans, white with fury,

ordered that the owls, the guardians of the gardens, should have their

lips split, and otherwise showed their anger at their third defeat.

Then came the third ordeal in the "House of Cold." Here the heroes

escaped death by freezing by being warmed with burning pine-cones. In

the fourth and fifth ordeals they were equally lucky, for they passed

a night each in the "House of Tigers" and the "House of Fire" without

injury. But at the sixth ordeal misfortune overtook them in the "House

of Bats." Hun-Ahpu's head being cut off by Camazotz, "Ruler of Bats,"

who suddenly appeared from above.

The beheading of Hun-Ahpu does not, however, appear to have terminated

fatally, but owing to the unintelligible nature of the text at this

juncture, it is impossible to ascertain in what manner he was cured

of such a lethal wound. This episode is followed by an assemblage

of all the animals, and another contest at ball-playing, after which

the brothers emerged uninjured from all the ordeals of the Xibalbans.

But in order to further astound their "hosts," Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque

confided to two sorcerers named Xulu and Pacaw that the Xibalbans

had failed because the animals were not on their side, and directing

them what to do with their bones, they stretched themselves upon a

funeral pile and died together. Their bones were beaten to powder and

thrown into the river, where they sank, and were transformed into young

men. On the fifth day they reappeared like men-fishes, and on the sixth

in the form of ragged old men, dancing, burning and restoring houses,

killing and restoring each other to life, with other wonders. The

princes of Xibalba, hearing of their skill, requested them to exhibit

their magical powers, which they did by burning the royal palace and

restoring it, killing and resuscitating the king's dog, and cutting a

man in pieces, and bringing him to life again. The monarchs of Xibalba,

anxious to experience the novel sensation of a temporary death,

requested to be slain and resuscitated. They were speedily killed,

but the brothers refrained from resuscitating their arch-enemies.

Announcing their real names, the brothers proceeded to punish the

princes of Xibalba. The game of ball was forbidden them, they were

to perform menial tasks, and only the beasts of the forest were they

to hold in vassalage. They appear after this to achieve a species of

doubtful distinction as plutonic deities or demons. They are described

as warlike, ugly as owls, inspiring evil and discord. Their faces

were painted black and white to show their faithless nature.

Xmucane, waiting at home for the brothers, was alternately filled

with joy and grief as the canes grew green and withered, according to

the varying fortunes of her grandsons. These young men were busied at

Xibalba with paying fitting funeral honours to their father and uncle,

who now mounted to heaven and became the sun and moon, whilst the four

hundred youths slain by Zipacna became the stars. Thus concludes the

second book.

The beginning of the third book finds the gods once more in council. In

the darkness they commune concerning the creation of man. The Creator

and Former made four perfect men. These beings were wholly created

from yellow and white maize. Their names were Balam-Quitzé (Tiger

with the Sweet Smile), Balam-Agab (Tiger of the Night), Mahucutah

(The Distinguished Name), and Iqi-Balam (Tiger of the Moon). They

had neither father nor mother, neither were they made by the ordinary

agents in the work of creation. Their creation was a miracle of the

Former. [6]

But Hurakan was not altogether satisfied with his handiwork. These men

were too perfect. They knew overmuch. Therefore the gods took counsel

as to how to proceed with man. They must not become as gods (note here

the Christian influence). Let us now contract their sight so that

they may only be able to see a portion of the earth and be content,

said the gods. Then Hurakan breathed a cloud over their eyes, which

became partially veiled. Then the four men slept, and four women were

made, Caha-Paluma (Falling Water), Choimha (Beautiful Water), Tzununiha

(House of the Water), and Cakixa (Water of Aras or Parrots), who became

the wives of the men in their respective order as mentioned above.

These were the ancestors of the Kichés only. Then were created the

ancestors of other peoples. They were ignorant of the methods of

worship, and lifting their eyes to heaven prayed to the Creator,

the Former, for peaceable lives and the return of the sun. But no

sun came, and they grew uneasy. So they set out for Tulan-Zuiva,

or the Seven Caves, and there gods were given unto them, each man,

as head of a group of the race, a god. Balam-Quitzé received the

god Tohil. Balam-Agab received the god Avilix, and Mahucutah the god

Hacavitz. Iqi-Balam received a god, but as he had no family his god

is not taken into account in the native mythology.

The Kichés now began to feel the want of fire, and the god Tohil, the

creator of fire, supplied them with this element. But soon afterwards

a mighty rain extinguished all the fires in the land. Tohil, however,

always renewed the supply. And fire in those days was the chief

necessity, for as yet there was no sun.

Tulan was a place of misfortune to man, for not only did he suffer from

cold and famine, but here his speech was so confounded that the first

four men were no longer able to comprehend each other. They determined

to leave Tulan, and under the leadership of the god Tohil set out

to search for a new abode. On they wandered through innumerable

hardships. Many mountains had they to climb, and a long passage

to make through the sea which was miraculously divided for their

journey from shore to shore. At length they came to a mountain which

they called Hacavitz, after one of their gods, and here they rested,

for here they had been instructed that they should see the sun. And

the sun appeared. Animals and men were transported with delight. All

the celestial bodies were now established. But the sun was not as it

is to-day. He was not strong, but as reflected in a mirror.

As he arose the three tribal gods were turned into stone, as were the

gods--probably totems--connected with the wild animals. Then arose

the first Kiché city.

As time progressed the first men grew old, and, impelled by visions,

they began to offer human sacrifices. For this purpose they raided

the villages of the neighbouring peoples, who retaliated. But by the

miraculous aid of a horde of wasps and hornets the Kichés utterly

routed their enemies. And the aliens became tributory to them.

Now it came nigh the death-time of the first men, and they called

their descendants together to hearken unto their last counsels. In the

anguish of their hearts they sang the Kamucu, the song "We see," that

they had sung when it first became light. Then they took leave of their

wives and sons, one by one. And suddenly they were not. But in their

place was a huge bundle, which was never unfolded. And it was called

the "Majesty Enveloped." And so died the first men of the Kichés.

The Fourth Book brings us down to what is presumably history. We say

"presumably," because we have only the bare testimony of the "Popol

Vuh" to go upon. We can note therein the evolution of the Kiché

people from a comparatively simple and pastoral state of society to

a political condition of considerable complexity. This account of the

later periods is extremely confused, and as the names of many of the

Kiché monarchs are the same as those of the gods, it is often difficult

to discriminate between saga and history. Interminable conflicts are

the subject of most of this book, and by the time the transcriber

reached the twelfth chapter he seems to have tired of his labours

and to have made up his mind to conclude with a genealogical list of

the Kiché kings. He here traces the genealogies of the three royal

houses of Cavek, Nihaib, and Ahau-Kiché. The state of transition and

turmoil in which the country was for many years after the conquest

must have tended to the disappearance of native records of any kind,

and our author does not appear to have been as well versed in the

history of his country which immediately preceded his own time as he

was in her mythology and legends. According to a tradition recited by

Don Domingo Juarros in his "History of the Kingdom of Guatemala," the

Toltecs emigrated from the neighbourhood of Tula in Mexico by direction

of an oracle, in consequence of the great increase of population in

the reign of Nimaquiché, fifth King of the Toltecs. "In performing

this journey they expended many years and suffered extraordinary

hardships." Nimaquiché was succeeded by his son Aexopil, from whom

was descended Kicab Tanub, the contemporary of Montezuma II. This

does not at all agree with the "Popol Vuh" account.

The cosmogony of the "Popol Vuh" exhibits many signs of Christian

influence, but it would be quite erroneous to infer that such influence

was of a direct nature; that is, that the native compiler deliberately

infused into the original narrative those outstanding features of the

Christian cosmogony, which were undoubtedly quite familiar to him. The

resemblance which is apparent between the first few chapters of the

"Popol Vuh" and the creation-myth in Genesis is no more the result of

design than was the metamorphosis of King Arthur's Brythonic warriors

into Norman knights by the jongleurs. The inclusion of obviously

Christian elements was undoubtedly unconscious. A native Guatemalan,

nurtured in the Christian faith, could, in fact, quite be expected

to produce an incongruous blending of Christian and pagan cosmogony

such as is here dealt with.

But another and more important question arises in connection with

the initial chapters of the "Popol Vuh"--those which give an account

of the Kiché creation-myth. Under the veneer of Biblical cosmogony

the original myth would appear to be the sum of more than one native

creation-story. We have here a number of beings, each of whom appear

in some manner to exercise the function of a creator, and it might be

gathered from this that the account now before us was produced by the

fusion and reconciliation of more than one legend connected with the

creation--a reconciliation of early rival faiths. We have to guide

us in this the proved facts of a composite Peruvian cosmogony. The

ruling Inca caste skilfully welded together no less than four early

creation-myths, reserving for their own divine ancestors the headship

of the heavens. And it is not unreasonable to believe that the diverse

ethnological elements of which the Maya-Kiché people were undoubtedly

composed possessed divergent cosmogonies, which were reconciled to

one another in the later traditional versions of the "Popol Vuh."

This would lead to the further supposition that the "Popol Vuh" is

a monument of very considerable antiquity. The fusion of religious

beliefs is, even with savages, a work of many generations. It would

be rash to attempt to discover any approximate date for the original

conception of the "Popol Vuh." The only version which we possess is

that now under review, and as the lack of an earlier version makes

comparison impossible, we are thus without the guidance with which

the criteria of philology would undoubtedly furnish us. That the Mayan

civilisation was of very considerable antiquity is possible, although

no adequate proof exists for the assumption. This much is certain: that

at the period of the Conquest written language was still in a state

of transition from the pictographic to the phonetic-ideographic stage,

and that therefore no version of the "Popol Vuh" which had been fixed

by its receiving literary form could have long existed. It is much more

probable that it existed for many generations by being handed down from

mouth to mouth--a manner of literary preservation exceedingly common

with the American peoples. The memories of the natives of America were

and still are matter for astonishment for all who come into contact

with them. The Conquistadores were astounded at the ease with which

the Mexicans could recite poems and orations of stupendous length,

and numerous instances of Indian feats of mnemonics are on record.

It is worthy of notice that the Kiché myth embodies the general

aboriginal idea of creation which prevailed in the New World. In many

of them the central idea of creation is supplied by the brooding

of a great bird over the dark primeval waste of waters. Thus the

Athapascans thought that a mighty raven, with eyes of fire and wings

whose clapping was as the thunder, descended to the ocean and raised

the earth to its surface. [7] The Muscokis believed that a couple

of pigeons, skimming the surface of the deep, espied a blade of

grass upon its surface, which slowly evolved into the dry land. [8]

The Zuñis imagined that Awonawilona, the All-father, so impregnated

the waters that a scum appeared upon their surface which became the

earth and sky. [9] The Iroquois said that their female ancestor,

expelled from heaven by her angry spouse, landed upon the sea, from

which mud at once arose. The Mixtecs imagined that two winds--those

of the Nine Serpents and the Nine Caverns--under the guise of a bird

and a winged serpent respectively, caused the waters to subside and the

land to appear. The Costa Rican Guaymis related, according to Melendez,

that Noncomala waded into the water and met the water-nymph Rutbe, who

bore him twins, the sun and moon. In all these accounts, from widely

divergent nations, it is surprising to note such unanimity of belief;

and when the tenacity of legend is borne in mind, it is perhaps not

too rash to state a belief in an original American creation-myth,

which seems none the less possible when the fact of the ethnological

unity among the American tribes is remembered.

It is by no means difficult to satisfactorily prove the genuine

American character of the "Popol Vuh." In its case reading is

believing. Macpherson, in his preface to the first edition of the poems

of Ossian, says of an "ingenious gentleman" that ere he had read the

poems he thought and remarked that a man diffident of his abilities

might well ascribe these compositions to a person living in a remote

antiquity; but when he had perused them his sentiments were changed. He

found they abounded too much with those ideas that only belong to an

early state of society to be the work of a modern poet. However this

may apply to the reputed compositions of the Goidelic bard, there can

be no doubt that it can be used with justice as regards the "Popol

Vuh." To any one who has given it a careful examination it must be

abundantly evident that it is a composition that has passed through

several stages of development; that it is unquestionably of aboriginal

origin; and that it has only been influenced by European thought in a

secondary and unessential manner. The very fact that it was composed

in the Kiché tongue is almost sufficient proof of its genuine American

character. The scholarship of the nineteenth century was unequal to

the adequate translation of the "Popol Vuh"; the twentieth century

has as yet shown no signs of being able to accomplish the task. It

is, therefore, not difficult to credit that if modern scholarship is

unable to properly translate the work, that of the eighteenth century

was unable to create it; no European of that epoch was sufficiently

versed in Kiché theology and history to compose in faultless Kiché

such a work as the "Popol Vuh," breathing as it does in every line

an intimate and natural acquaintance with the antiquities of Guatemala.

The "Popol Vuh" is not the only mythi-historical work composed by an

aboriginal American. In Mexico Ixtlilxochitl, and in Peru Garcilasso

de la Vega, wrote exhaustive treatises upon the history and customs of

their native countrymen shortly after the conquests of Mexico and Peru,

and hieroglyphic records, such as the "Wallam Olum," are not unknown

among the North American Indians. In fact, the intelligence which

fails to regard the "Popol Vuh" as a genuine aboriginal production

must be more sceptical than critical.

KICHÉ AND MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY

The connection of Kiché and Mayan mythology with that of Mexico is

obvious, but not altogether proven. It is possible that the main lines

of the three systems were similar; that certain great deities like

Gucumatz were common to all, but that the inclusion of local gods

lent a very different complexion to the three mythologies. It also

seems not unreasonable to suppose that the Kiché people must have

been more liable to influence from the south, that is, from the north

of South America. The inclusion of an Antillean deity (Hurakan) in

their pantheon practically proves that they were, and their relative

proximity to the Caribs--the great maritime race of America--leads

to the assumption that they may have been influenced by those roving

merchants and sailors more or less profoundly. This, however, can

only be matter for surmise, and, however strong the probabilities

seem in favour of such a theory, proof is wanting to strengthen it.

THE PANTHEON OF THE "POPOL VUH"

It must be remembered that we are dealing with Kiché and not with

Mayan mythology. Although the two had much in common, it would be most

unsafe in the present state of knowledge to attempt to identify Kiché

with Mayan deities; such an attempt would, indeed, assume the bulk of

a formidable treatise. Scholarship at the present time hesitates to

designate the representations of Mayan gods on the walls of "buried"

cities otherwise than by a letter of the alphabet, and it is therefore

wise to thoroughly ignore the question of Mayan affinities in dealing

with myths purely Kiché. This does not apply to the Kiché-Mexican

affinities. Mexican and Kiché deities are mostly known quantities,

but this cannot be said of their Mayan congenors. The reason for

this is that until Mayan myth is reconciled with the evidence of

the Mayan monuments no certitude can be arrived at. This cannot

well be achieved until the Mayan hieroglyphs give up their secret,

a contingency of which there is no immediate likelihood. Bearing

this in mind, we may proceed to a brief consideration of the Kiché

pantheon and its probable Mexican affinities.

Almost at the beginning we encounter a pair of masculine-feminine

beings of a type nearly hermaphroditic, named Xpiyacoc and Xmucane,

who are credited with a considerable share of the creation of organic

life in the Kiché cosmogony. These, we will remember, appeared in

the myth of Vukub-Cakix and elsewhere. The first appears to apply

to the paternal function, whilst the name Xmucane is derived from

words signifying "feminine vigour." The Mexican equivalents of these

gods were probably Cipactonatl and Oxomoco, the "father and mother

gods." [10]

Deities who early arrest our attention are Tepeu, Gucumatz and

Hurakan. The name of the first signifies "king." According to Brinton

this in Kiché applies to rulership chiefly, inasmuch as the conjugal

prowess often ascribed to monarchs by savage people is concerned. A

creative faculty is obviously indicated in the name, but Brinton

assumes that this Kiché generic name for king can also be rendered

"syphilitic," especially as the name of the Mexican sun-god Nanahuatl

has a similar significance.

That Tepeu was a generative force, a creative deity, there can be no

doubt, but strangely enough in certain passages of the "Popol Vuh"

we find him praying to and rendering homage to Hurakan, the "Heart

of Heaven." We also find the latter along with Xpiyacoc, Xmucane

and Tepeu jointly and severally responsible for the creation of the

mannikins, if not for the whole cosmological scheme. This, of course,

bears out the assumption of a composite origin of the creation-myth in

the "Popol Vuh," but it is nevertheless strange to find Hurakan, whom

we must reckon an alien deity, at the head of these Olympic councils.

Cucumatz is one and the same with the Nahuatlacan--or, more properly

speaking, Toltecan Quetzalcohuatl. The name is compounded from two

Kiché words signifying "Feathered Serpent," and its meaning in the

Nahuatl is precisely the same. Concerning the nature of this deity,

there is probably more difference of opinion than in the case of any

other known to comparative mythology. Strangely enough, although

unquestionably an alien in the mythology of the Aztecan branch of

the Nahuatlacâ, he bulks more largely in the myths of that people

than in the legends of the Kichés. To the Aztecâ he seems to have

appeared as a half-friendly Baal, to worship or revile according to

the opportunism of national fortune. If he were here to be dealt with

as his importance demands the limits of this monograph would speedily

be surpassed. Although unquestionably the same god to both Mexicans

and Kichés, he had acquired a significance in Aztecan eyes quite out

of all proportion to his Kiché or Mayan importance. To the Aztecan

mind he was a culture-hero, unalterably associated with the sun,

and with the origins of their civilisation. To the Toltecs he was the

"Man of the Sun," the traveller, who, with staff in hand, symbolised

the daily journey of the Sun-god. In all likelihood Quetzalcohuatl

was evolved upon Mexican soil by the Toltecs, perhaps adopted from

some older cultus by them. He was at least worshipped sedulously

by aboriginal or pre-Aztecan tribes in Anahuac. Mr. Payne writes:

Cuculcan or Gucumatz was extensively prevalent in Yucatan and Central

America, while no trace is found of the worship of Tezcatlipoca,

strongly suggests that the founders of the Central American

pueblos (the Toltecs) were, in fact, devotees of Quetzalcohuatl,

who preferred exile and adventure in strange lands to accepting a

religious innovation which was intolerable to them."

That Quetzalcohuatl was not an aboriginal Maya-Kiché deity is proved

by the relative importance granted him by a people--the Aztecâ--to

whom he was alien; and that they regarded him as the aboriginal god

of Anahuac par excellence is indisputable.

Hurakan, the winged creative power, is the wind of the tempest. [12]

In the "Popol Vuh" he is designated "The Heart of Heaven." He is

parallel with if not identical to the Aztecan deity Tezcatlipoca, who

in his variant of Yoalli-ehecatl (the Wind of Night) was supplicated

by the Aztecâ as the life-breath. [13] Elsewhere we have hinted that

Tezcatlipoca may have been an ice-god. [14] Mr. Payne sees in him an

elaboration of the vision of death in a polished "scrying"-stone,

which seems possible but scarcely probable. Hurakan was in all

likelihood derived from an original deity of the Antilles. [15]

The term "hurricane" is said to have originated from the name of

this god, and although the direct evidence for this is scanty, other

circumstances place the connection beyond reasonable doubt. Hurakan is

also alluded to in the "Popol Vuh," as "The Strong Serpent," and "He

who hurls below," referring to his presence in the lightning. Brinton

is of opinion that the name Hurakan signifies "giant," but the

sequence of proof is not altogether convincing. Hurakan had the

assistance of three demiurges, named respectively Cakulha-Hurakan

(lightning), Chipi-Cakulha (lightning-flash), and Raxa-Cakulha

(track-of-the-lightning).

Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, who appear in the first myth proper--that

of the destruction of Vukub-Cakix, are certainly "of the gods," but

seem to be only demi-gods. They are constantly alluded to as "young

men." Brasseur de Bourbourg, who saw in the Vukub-Cakix myth the

struggle between the Toltecs and the invading Nahuatlacâ, believed

these hero-gods to be equivalents of Tezcatlipoca and Nanahuatl,

but the resemblance appears to exist merely in the martial character

of the deities, and is hardly noticeable in other details. Hun-Ahpu

would appear to signify "The Master," but Brinton translates the name

as "Magician." It may have a reconciliatory translation as "Adept." A

variant is the name of his father Hun-Hun-Ahpu, "Each-one-a-Magician,"

and some confusion is apparent in the Vukub-Cakix myth between the

two names; but as the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg so justly observes,

"these names are so symbolic in character that their absolute

elucidation is impossible." Xbalanque signifies "Little Tiger."

"The gods of the Kichés were legion," but the foregoing list embraces

practically all the deities proper with whom we have to deal in the

"Popol Vuh."

THE VUKUB-CAKIX MYTH

The outstanding point of interest in the myth of Vukub-Cakix and his

two sons is its terrestrial significance. That they were of the earth

as truly as were the Jotuns of Scandinavian mythology there can be no

doubt. Like the Jotuns or the Titans, Vukub-Cakix and his progeny are

made from the earth, and the parent giant is a living representation of

its surface. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane remove his emerald teeth, and replace

them with maize grains--surely a mythical interpretation or allegory of

the removal of the green virgin turf of the earth, and its replacement

by the maize seed. It is further worthy of notice that the maize is

placed in Vukub-Cakix's mouth by divine beings. In the third book of

the "Popol Vuh" it is stated that the gods gave maize to man. It was,

indeed, brought to earth from heaven by the sacred animals.

BOOK II. COMMENTED UPON

The Second Book of the "Popol Vuh" is the most interesting of the four

from a mythological point of view. That it treats of the dealings of

the Kichés with the aboriginal people of the district they afterwards

inhabited is not unlikely. Although the opinion of Brasseur that

Xibalba was a prehistoric state which had Palenque for its capital is

an exaggeration of whatsoever kernel of fact may be contained in the

myth, yet it is not unlikely that the Abbé, who so often astonishes

without illuminating, has in this instance come near the truth. The

cliff-dwellings of Mexico and Colorado have of late years aroused

speculation as to the aboriginal or directly prehistoric peoples of

these regions. The "Popol Vuh" definitely describes Xibalba as the

metropolis of an "Underworld"; and with such examples as that of the

Cliff Palace Cañon in Colorado before us, it is difficult to think that

allusion is not made to some such semi-underground abode. There the

living rock has been excavated to a considerable distance, advantage

being taken of a huge natural recess to secure greater depth than

could possibly have been attained by human agency, and in this immense

alcove the ruins of a veritable city may still be seen, almost as well

preserved as in the days of its evacuation, its towers, battlements

and houses being as well marked and as plainly discernible as are the

ruins of Philæ. It is then not unreasonable to suppose that in a more

northerly home the Kichés may have warred with a race which dwelt in

some such subterranean locality. A people's idea of an "otherworld"

is often coloured by the configuration of their own country.

One thing is certain: a hell, an abode of bad spirits as distinguished

from beneficent gods, Xibalba was not. The American Indian was

innocent of the idea of maleficent deities pitted in everlasting

warfare against good and life-giving gods until contact with the

whites coloured his mythology with their idea of the dual nature of

supernatural beings. [16] The transcriber of the "Popol Vuh" makes

this clear so far as Kiché belief went. Dimly conscious that the

"Popol Vuh" was coloured by his agency with the opinions of a lately

adopted Christianity, he says of the Lords of Xibalba, Hun-Came and

Vukub-Came: "In the old times they did not have much power. They

were but annoyers and opposers of men, and, in truth, they were not

regarded as gods." If not regarded as gods, then, what were they?

"The devil," says Cogolludo of the Mayas, "is called by them Xibilba,

which means he who disappears or vanishes." The derivation of Xibalba

is from a root meaning "to fear" from which comes the name for a

ghost or phantom. Xibalba was, then, the Place of Phantoms. But it

was not the Place of Torment, the abode of a devil who presided over

punishment. The idea of sin is weak in the savage mind; and the idea

of punishment for sin in a future state is unknown in pre-Christian

American mythology.

"Under the influence of Christian catechising," says Brinton, "the

Quiché legends portray this really as a place of torment, and its

rulers as malignant and powerful; but as I have before pointed out they

do so protesting that such was not the ancient belief, and they let

fall no word that shows that it was regarded as the destination of the

morally bad. The original meaning of the name given by Cogolludo points

unmistakably to the simple fact of disappearance from among men, and

corresponds in harmlessness to the true sense of those words of fear,

Scheol, Hades, Hell, all signifying hidden from sight, and only endowed

with more grim associations by the imaginations of later generations."

The idea of consigning elder peoples, who have been displaced in the

land to an underworld, is not uncommon in mythology. The Xibalbans,

or aborigines, were perhaps cave- or earth-dwellers like the

Picts of Scottish folk-lore, gnomeish, and full of elvish tricks,

as such folk usually are. Vanished people are, too, often classed

with the dead, or as lords of the dead. It is well known, also,

that legend speedily crystallises around the name of a dispossessed

race, to whom is attributed every description of magic art. This

is sometimes accounted for by the fact that the displaced people

possessed a higher culture than their invaders, and sometimes,

probably, by the dread which all barbarian peoples have of a religion

in any way differing from their own. Thus the Norwegians credited the

Finns--their predecessors in Norway--with tremendous magical powers,

and similar instances of respectful timidity shown by invading races

towards the original inhabitants of the country they had conquered

could readily be multiplied. To be tricked the barbarian regards

as a mortal indignity, as witness the wrath of Thor in Jotunheim,

comparable with the sensitiveness of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque lest they

should be outwitted by the Xibalbans.

THE HARRYING OF XIBALBA

The doings of Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque, in Xibalba, may be regarded

either as the Kiché account of the adventures of two veritable heroes

in a new land, or as the visitation of divine beings to Hades for

the express purpose of conquering death. But by the period of the

formation of the myth it is probable that Xibalba had become confounded

with the Place of the Dead, and was regarded as a fit theatre for the

prodigies of craft and valour of the young hero-gods. The Kiché Hades

had, in fact, evolved from the old northern home, exactly as had the

Mexican Mictlan, which, although a subterranean locality, was also,

and separately, a northern country. A complete Place of the Dead

had been established, and the gods, to show their contempt of death,

must descend thereto and emerge triumphant. The idea of metempsychosis

was known to the American aboriginal mind. "We Indians shall not for

ever die; even the grains of corn we put under the earth grow up and

become living things," is the noble and touching reply of a chief

to the interrogation of a Moravian Brother, regarding the native

belief in immortality. [17] Man must have the example of the gods,

if he wishes to live in peace and quiet assurance of immortality. And

just as we believe that our God descended into Hell and vanquished Sin

and Death, so did these simple people gain strength to face Eternity

from the thought that they had been preceded in the dark journey by

the Immortals.

It is evident that the divine brothers feared ridicule, and profiting

from the disasters of their father and uncle made sure of knowing

the names of the chief Xibalbans ere they set out. In like manner

they avoided making an obeisance to the dummy figures to which their

predecessors had bowed so profoundly. The American savage, grave

and reserved, cannot abide ridicule. He shrinks from it in a manner

which a less self-regarding or a more self-assured people cannot

comprehend. The other tests--the "House of Tigers," and the "House

of Cold," and the various torments mentioned in the Second Book are

much what might be expected from a barbarian idea of death--no more

horrible, perhaps, than the European idea of Hell in the Middle Ages,

certainly not more fear-compelling than the picture of Dante.

The American peoples are at one in their belief in a Paradise, a Place

of Joy, if not of Reward. Their Hades appears to have been reserved

almost entirely for the unillustrious. Paradise in some American

mythologies, notably in that of Mexico, and perhaps in that of Peru,

is nothing more than a preserve of the great; the poor might not

enter therein, no more than might the coward pass the gates of the

Norse Valhalla. It was to Mictlan or Supay, then, that the popular

mind turned. How did the American peoples regard this drear abode? To

enter it one must cross a deep and swift river by means of a bridge

formed of a slender tree, said the Hurons and Iroquois to the first

missionaries. On this frail passage the soul must defend itself from

the attacks of a savage dog. [18] The Chepewayan Athapascans told

of a great water which the soul must cross in a stone canoe; the

Chilians, of a western sea, where toll must be given to an evil hag,

who plucked out an eye if payment were not forthcoming; the Algonquins,

of a stream bridged by an enormous snake. The Aztecs called this river

Chicunoapa, the Nine Rivers, where the departed must pay toll to a

dog and a dragon. It will be recollected that the brothers in the

"Popol Vuh," cross a river of blood. This almost certainly alludes

to the ocean under the red beams of the setting sun, towards which

all these voyages are made.

The hero-gods in the myth voluntarily succumb to the power of the

Lords of Death, and after being burned their bones are ground in a

mill and thrown into the waters. The belief was almost universal in

America that the soul resided in the bones. The bones were the basis

of the man. Flesh would readily perish, but would return to clothe

this more lasting foundation. So in many tribes the bones of the dead

were carefully preserved. In all Central American countries the bones

of distinguished persons were preserved in temples or council-houses

in the small chests made of cane mentioned by the chroniclers of

De Soto's expedition. This, too, may possibly have been the origin

of mummification in Peru. In Egypt all the members and intestines

must be preserved, in Peru only the bones. The state of comparative

desiccation in which most Peruvian mummies are discovered proves

that the preservation of the flesh or organs was not regarded as

a necessity.

The game of ball figures very largely throughout the Third Book. The

father and uncle of the young hero-gods were worsted in their

favourite sport by the Xibalbans, but Hun-Ahpu and Xbalanque in their

turn vanquish the Lords of the Underworld. This may have resembled

the Mexican game of tlachtli, which was played in an enclosed court

with a rubber ball between two opposite sides, each of two or three

players. It was, in fact, not unlike hockey. This game of ball

between the Powers of Light and the Powers of Darkness is somewhat

reminiscent of that between Ormuzd and Ahriman in Persian myth. The

game of tlachtli had a symbolic reference to stellar motions. [19]

BOOK III. COMMENTED UPON

We are here engaged with the problem which the origin of man

presented to the Kiché mind, and we shall find that its solution

bears a remarkable likeness to that of similar American myths. We

seldom hear of one first-created being. In the creation-myths of the

New World four brothers are usually the progenitors of the human

race. Man in these myths is nearly always earth-born. He and his

fellows emerge from some cavern or subterranean place, fully grown

and fully armed. Thus the Blackfoot Indians emerged from Nina-stahu,

a peak in the Rockies. In the centre of Nunne Chaha, the High Hill,

was a cavern, the house of the Master of Breath, whence came the

Choctaws. The Peruvians come from Pacari Tambu, the House of the Dawn,

near Cuzco, and an ancient legend of the Aztecâ states that they came

from Chicomoztoc, the Seven Caverns, to the north of Mexico.

We find the first Mayan men speedily engaged in migration. Such must

always be the life of the unsettled and unagricultural savage. He

multiplies. Gods are given to each tribe. These he bears to a new

country. In fact we have a complete migration myth in the Third

Book of the "Popol Vuh," and there are not wanting signs to show

that this migration took place from the cold north to the warm

south. The principal item of proof in favour of such a theory is,

of course, the statement that the sun was "not at first born," and

that at a later stage of the journey, when his beams appeared upon

the horizon, it was as a weaker and dimmer luminary that he seemed to

the wanderers than in after years. The allusion to "shining sand,"

by the aid of which they crossed rivers, may mean that they forded

them when covered with ice. The whole myth is so strikingly akin to

the Aztecân migration-myth given in the Mexican MS. in the Boturini

Collection (No. 14, sec. viii.) that we cannot refrain from appending

a short passage from the latter:

"This is the beginning of the record of the coming of the Mexicans

from the place called Aztlan. It is by means of the water that

they came this way, being four tribes, and in coming they rowed in

boats. They built their huts on piles at the place called the Grotto

of Quinevayan. It is there from which the eight tribes issued. The

first tribe is that of the Huexotzincos, the second tribe the Chalcas,

the third the Xochimilcas, the fourth the Cuitlavacas, the fifth the

Mallinalcas, the sixth the Chicimecas, the seventh the Tepanecas,

the eighth the Matlatzincas. It is there where they were founded in

Colhuacan. They were the colonists of it since they landed there,

coming from Aztlan.... It is there that they soon afterwards went

away from, carrying before them the god [20] Vitzillopochtli, which

they had adopted for their god.... They came out of four places,

when they went forward travelling this way.... There the eight tribes

opened up our road by water."

We find a similar myth in the Wallam Olum, or painted records of the

Lenape Indians. "After the flood," says this record, "the Lenape with

the manly turtle beings dwelt close together at the cave house and

dwelling of Talli.... They saw that the snake land was bright and

wealthy. Having all agreed, they went over the water of the frozen

sea to possess the land. It was wonderful when they all went over

the smooth deep water of the frozen sea at the gap of snake sea in

the great ocean"5.

We thus see that the Third Book of the "Popol Vuh" is a migration

saga of a type not uncommon in America. Asiatic tribes may have come

down from the Chi-Pixab of the "Popol Vuh" to British Columbia, and

thence by easy stages to Central America. And the Third Book of the

"Popol Vuh" may be the distant echo of a mighty wave of colonisation,

whose sound swept the entire surface of the New World.

EARLY SPANISH AUTHORS AND THE "POPOL VUH"

It cannot be said that the early Spanish authors upon the affairs of

Yucatan either corroborate or discredit the contents of the "Popol

Vuh" in any way. To begin with, Landa, Cogolludo, and Las Casas

confine themselves more to Yucatan proper than to Guatemala, and

their remarks upon native belief, in so far as they illustrate the

"Popol Vuh" at all, are really references to Mayan myths. Palacios

is meagre in his references to any native beliefs, and the works of

all four are so coloured by the phantasies of mediæval theology that,

although interesting, they possess little real value. So far, in fact,

as they throw light upon the "Popol Vuh" they might be safely ignored,

and they are only given as works of reference in the bibliography

for the sake of completeness. They are, however, most valuable for

the study of Mayan mythology proper, and for complete understanding

of the "Popol Vuh" and of Kiché mythology in general, knowledge of

Mayan myth is necessary.

EVIDENCE OF METRICAL COMPOSITION

There is not wanting evidence to show that, like most barbarous

compositions which depended for their popularity upon the ease with

which they could be memorised, the "Popol Vuh" was originally composed

in metre. Passages here and there show a decided metrical tendency, as:

"Ama x-u ch'ux ri Vuch

Ve, x-cha ri mama.

Ta chi xaquinic

Quate ta chi gekumarchic

Cahmul xaquin ri mama

Ca xaquin-Vuch" ca cha vinak vacamic.

which is translated:

"Is the dawn about to be?

Yes, answered the old man.

Then he spread apart his legs.

Again the darkness appeared.

Four times the old man spread his legs.

Now the opossum spreads his legs"--

Say the people. [21]

The first line almost scans in iambics (English style), and the

fifth is perfect, except for the truncation in the fourth foot. The

others appear to us to consist of that alternation of sustained

feet--musically represented by a semibreve--with pyrrhics, which

is characteristic of nearly all savage dance-poetry. Father Coto,

a missionary, observes that the natives were fond of telling long

stories and of repeating chants, keeping time to them in those dances

of which all the American aboriginal peoples appear to have been so

fond--and still are, as Baron Nordenskjöld has recently discovered in

the Aymara country. These chants were called nugum tzih, or "garlands

of words," and although the native compiler of the "Popol Vuh" appears

to have been unable to recollect the precise rhythm of the whole,

many passages attest its original odic character.

Note.--The pronunciation of x in Kiché equals sh. Ch is pronounced

hard, as in the Scottish "loch," and c hard, like k.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX

The various works which contain notices of the "Popol Vuh" and the

kindred questions of Mayan and Kiché mythology are so difficult of

access to the majority of readers that it has been thought best to

divide them into two classes: (1) those which can be more or less

readily purchased, and which are, naturally, of more recent origin;

and (2) those which are not easy to come by, and which, generally

speaking, are the work of Spanish priests and colonists of the

sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.

I

The work on the subject which is most easily obtained, and indeed the

only work which gives the original Kiché text, is that of the Abbé

Brasseur de Bourbourg, "Vuh Popol: Le livre sacré de Quichés et les

mythes de l'antiquité Américaine." The Kiché text was translated by

the assistance of natives into French, and the translation is more

or less inaccurate. The notes and introduction must be read by the

student with the greatest caution. It was published at Paris in 1861.

Ximenes' translation into Spanish of the "Popol Vuh" and that of

Gavarrete are about of equal value, rather inaccurate, and accompanied

by scanty notes. The title of the first is "Las Historias del Origin

de los Indios de Guatemala, par el R. P. F. Francisco Ximenes (Vienna,

1856), and of the second, "El Popol Vuh," (San Salvador 1905). This

exhausts the list of works written exclusively concerning the "Popol

Vuh." The other works of Brasseur and those of Brinton contain more or

less numerous allusions to it, but references to it in standard works

of mythology are exceedingly rare. The only other works which have a

bearing upon the subject are those upon Mayan and Kiché mythology,

or which, among other matter, historical or political, refer to it

in any way. The most important of these are:

Dr. Otto Stoll--"Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala."

---- "Ethnologie der Indianerstämme von Guatemala."

Scherzer--"Die Indianer von Santa Catalina Istlavacan."

Müller--"Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligion" (1855).

E. Förstemann--"Commentary on the Maya Manuscript," in the Royal Public

Library of Dresden. Translation from the German by S. Wesselhoeft

and A. M. Parker (Harvard University, 1906).

E. Seler--"Über den Ursprung der mittelamerikanischen Kulturen" (1902).

---- "Ein Wintersemester in Mexico und Yucatan" (1903).

---- "Codex Fejerváry-Mayer" (Berlin, 1901).

P. Schellhas--"Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscripts,"

translated by S. Wesselhoeft and A. M. Parker (Cambridge, Mass., 1904).

Cyrus Thomas--"The Maya Year," Washington, 1894.

---- "Notes on Maya and Mexican Manuscripts."

W. Fewkes--"The God 'D' in the Codex Cortesianus," (Washington, 1895).

All these works relate more or less entirely to Mayan mythology,

and are chiefly valuable as illustrating the connection between the

Kiché and Mayan mythologies. It must be understood that this is not a

list of works relating to Mayan antiquities, but only a list of such

works as refer at the tame time to Mayan and Kiché mythology.

The brief essay of the late Professor Max Müller upon the "Popol

Vuh" is of little or no value except as a statement in favour of its

authenticity. It gives little or no information concerning the work,

and is, indeed, chiefly concerned with the authenticity and nature

of North American picture-drawings.

II

The principal works of the older Spanish authors, which in any way

relate to the myths of Maya-Kiché peoples, are:

Las Casas--"Historia de los Indias" (1552).

Cogolludo--"Historia de Yucathan" (1688).

Diego de Landa--"Relacion de los Cosas de Yucatan" (translated into

French, and edited by Brasseur).

Ximenes--"Escolias à los Historias del origèn de los Indios" (Circa,

1725).

Palacios--"Description de la Provincia de Guatemala" (in the collection

of Ternaux-Compans).

Juarros--"Historia de Guatimala."

NOTES

NOTE 1. (PAGE 8)

Much that is absurd has been written concerning the antiquity of

the ruined cities of Central America, and some authors have not

hesitated to place their foundation in an antiquity beside which

the pre-dynastic buildings of Egypt would appear quite recent. But

that they were abandoned not long before the Columbian era is now

generally admitted. See Winsor's "Narrative and Critical History of

America," chap, iii., and the works of Charnay, Maler, Maudslay,

and Gordon, for modern opinion upon the subject; also the various

monographs contained in the more recent volumes of the U.S. Bureau of

Ethnology's annual report. That a very respectable antiquity belongs

to several sites is, however, certain; and competent authorities have

not hesitated to ascribe to some of the ruins an age of not less than

two thousand years.

NOTE 2. (PAGE 8)

Payne has made it abundantly clear to our mind that the original

seat of the Nahuatlacâ (which included both Toltecs and Aztecs) was

in British Columbia (see his "History of America," vol. ii. p. 373

et seq.). He thinks they there occupied a position southerly to that

of the Athapascan stock, and were probably the first northern people

to come into contact with tribes possessed of the maize plant. The

knowledge of this staple, he infers, spread rapidly among the northern

peoples, and induced them to hasten their southern colonisation, but

it does not appear to us probable that this would be an inducement to a

savage flesh-eating people averse to a life of agricultural labour. The

whole question of pre-historic American migration, and of the gradual

civilisation by maize of the peoples who came within its zone, is most

admirably discussed in vol. xix. of "The History of North America," by

W. J. Magee and Cyrus Thomas (Philadelphia, George Barrie and Sons),

published March 1908. The knowledge contained in this work is the

outcome of a lifetime's labour in the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology, and

its learned authors have undoubtedly produced a monumental treatise

which it will take many a generation of research to supersede, if,

indeed, that is possible.

NOTE 3. (PAGE 9)

The authorities for the settlement of the Toltecs in Yucatan are the

Tezcucan chronicler Ixtlilxochitl, and Torquemada, who both allege

that the immigrants went to Campeachy and the south.

NOTE 4. (PAGE 13)

There appear to be grounds for believing that the parent deities

Xpiyacoc and Xmucane are but derivations from Gucumatz, and represent

the male and female attributes of that god. In the "Popol Vuh"

they are spoken of as being "covered with green feathers," the usual

description of Gucumatz; but it is, of course, possible that they may

have received some of his attributes in the general jumble of myths

which, we have attempted to show, exists in the first book. Gucumatz,

it will be remembered, is Quetzalcohuatl in another form, and the

latter is often represented in the papyri as having a woman sitting

opposite to him. She does not, however, appear to be at all analogous

to Messrs. Förstemann and Schellhas's "Goddess I," whom I take to

represent the Mayan equivalent of Xmucane, and who wears on her head

the knotted serpent, a reptile characteristic of Quetzalcohuatl.

NOTE 5. (PAGE 53)

The Wallam-Olum (painted records) of the Leni Lenape Indians have

often been called into question as regards their authenticity, but

the evidence of Lederer, Humboldt, Heckewelder, Tanner, Loskiel,

Beatty, and Rafinesque, all of whom professed to have seen them,

rather discounts such unbelief in their existence. They consisted

of picture-writings, or hieroglyphs, each of which applied to a

whole verse, or many words. The ideas were, in fact, amalgamated in a

compound system, and bear exactly the same relation to written language

as the American tongues did to spoken language; that is, they were

of an agglutinative type, a linguistic form where several words are

welded into one. There are several series, one of which records the

doings of the tribes immediately subsequent to the Creation. Another

series relates to their doings in America, and consists of seven

songs, four of sixteen verses of four words each, and three of twenty

verses of three words each "It begins at the arrival in America," says

Rafinesque ("The American Nations"), "and is continued without hardly

any interruption till the arrival of the European colonists towards

1600." But this second series is a mere meagre catalogue of kings.

FOOTNOTES

"Thrower-up of earth." The connection is obvious.

and Modern" series).

in "Amer. Anthropologist," 1892, p. 303 et seq.

interpolated by the Mexican scribes, as no Mexican word for "devil"

exists. The scribe was, of course, under priestly influence; hence the

"diablo."

of sunrise.