Josephus — The Wars of the Jews

1. 1 Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the

greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a

manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities

have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men

who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together

vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down

after a sophistical manner; and while those that were there present

have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of

flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their

writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but no

where the accurate truth of the facts; I have proposed to myself,

for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to

translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed

in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; 2

Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one

who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be

present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].

2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the

affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also

who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they

were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch

that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some

hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the

Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would

have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the

neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Geltin were

not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the

opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the

soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought

it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of

such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those

Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these

things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians,

and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation

beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both

whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what

manner it ended.

3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts

histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose,

as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to

demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and

lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that

those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were

little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the

multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the

might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be

deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.

4. However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to

those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions

of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both

parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am

under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some

lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country. For that it

was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it, and that they were

the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who

unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple,

Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the

entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and

did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to

the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance.

But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so

passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the

misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though

it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so

come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of

felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last

fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to

me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if

they be compared to these of the Jews 3 are not so considerable as they

were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes

it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be

inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves

to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.

5. However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who,

when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon

the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of

those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best

writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior

to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in

the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new

histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had

not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these

be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their

notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what

happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions

made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write

lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then,

an undertaking to preserve the memory Of what hath not been before

recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that

come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is

to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more

than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he

who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an

entire body of history of his own: accordingly, I have been at great

charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though

I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great

actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But for some of our

own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed

presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are

to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together

with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories

to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of

princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by

us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.

6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were

[originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country

they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward,

and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit

opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because

many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very

exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated

our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the

truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs

and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my

history. Now as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time,

I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able;

but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.

7. [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes,

took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and

was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after

that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought

upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of

Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Sosins upon them; as

also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus

was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and

how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to

Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the

first sallies of the war.

8. As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring

cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire

event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and

how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons 4 made an expedition into

the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made

use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee;

and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others

of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall

describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of

their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and

the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over

what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in

them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and

all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them.

For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I

shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.

9. After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews' affairs were

become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack

Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs

happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what

mutations of government then happened at Rome, and how he was

unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to

Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of

the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against

them, and fell into dissensions among themselves.

10. Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea

the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got

together; and in what state the city was, by the means of the seditious,

at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up;

of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures;

of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy

house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar,

and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of

their festivals, and seven purifications of purity, 5 and the sacred

ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and

of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the

temple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known

truth of things.

11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the

people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in

sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve

the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of

accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people,

and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and

how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to

mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted

on the captives; as also how the temple was burnt, against the consent

of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the

temple were snatched out of the fire; the destruction also of the entire

city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the

tyrants captives, and the multitude of those that were made slaves,

and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed.

Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they

demolished the strong holds that were in the country; and how Titus

went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his

return into Italy, and his triumph.

12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left

no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted

with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that

love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious

relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call

my First Chapter.

WAR PREFACE FOOTNOTES

1 (return) [ I have already observed more than once, that this History

of the Jewish War was Josephus's first work, and published about A.D.

75, when he was but thirty-eight years of age; and that when he wrote

it, he was not thoroughly acquainted with several circumstances of

history from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with which it begins, till

near his own times, contained in the first and former part of the

second book, and so committed many involuntary errors therein. That he

published his Antiquities eighteen years afterward, in the thirteenth

year of Domitian, A.D. 93, when he was much more completely acquainted

with those ancient times, and after he had perused those most authentic

histories, the First Book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the

Priesthood of John Hyrcanus, etc. That accordingly he then reviewed

those parts of this work, and gave the public a more faithful, complete,

and accurate account of the facts therein related; and honestly

corrected the errors he had before run into.]

2 (return) [ Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea, were,

Josephus himself will inform us, sect. 2, viz. the Parthians and

Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [of the Jews among them]; besides the

Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. Whence we also

learn that these Parthians, Babylonians, the remotest Arabians, [or at

least the Jews among them,] as also the Jews beyond Euphrates, and

the Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or rather

Chaldaic, books of The Jewish War, before they were put into the Greek

language.]

3 (return) [ That these calamities of the Jews, who were our Savior's

murderers, were to be the greatest that had ever been since the beginning

of the world, our Savior had directly foretold, Matthew 24:21; Mark

13:19; Luke 21:23, 24; and that they proved to be such accordingly,

Josephus is here a most authentic witness.]

4 (return) [ Titus.]

5 (return) [ These seven, or rather five, degrees of purity, or

purification, are enumerated hereafter, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6. The

Rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Reland there informs us.]

Containing The Interval Of One Hundred And Sixty-Seven

Years.

From The Taking Of Jerusalem By Antiochus Epiphanes,

To The Death Of Herod The Great.

CHAPTER 1.

How The City Jerusalem Was Taken, And The Temple Pillaged

[By Antiochus Epiphanes]. As Also Concerning The Actions Of

The Maccabees, Matthias And Judas; And Concerning The Death

Of Judas.

1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a

quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of

Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they

had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those

that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals.

However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the

sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought

him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into

Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them,

and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force,

and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out

his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple,

and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice

of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high

priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of

Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple

that was like its temple 1 concerning which we shall speak more in its

proper place hereafter.

2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking

the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made

there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering

what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve

the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised,

and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all

opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death.

Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked

commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the

extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants,

man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction,

till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his

wicked doings to avenge themselves.

3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who

lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his

own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with

daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the

enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed

him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give

battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of

Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became

the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died,

leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.

4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an

army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of

friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when

he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great

defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an

assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut

off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the

soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel.

He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole

place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred

ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former

vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to

offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred

constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in

the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.

5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five

thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea

into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small

city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow,

Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined battle,

Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants

adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard

him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great

way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy's troops,

he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to be

the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon

into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was

crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and

showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the

elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus,

Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it

might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby

doing a glorious action; nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his

brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the

Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king's forces,

being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained

the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the

rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to

Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions,

and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he

thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off,

to take their winter-quarters in Syria.

6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of

his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out

of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's generals

at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the

battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain

also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot

laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them.

CHAPTER 2.

Concerning The Successors Of Judas, Who Were Jonathan And

Simon, And John Hyrcanus.

1. When Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved

himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to

his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his

friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the

son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant

Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against

him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught

Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with

a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an

expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by

Simon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put

Jonathan to death.

2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner,

and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his

neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the

citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho,

whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the

Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though

he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus

sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to

subdue Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war

as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of

strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself

with him, and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great

many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior

in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so

glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from

the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of

the empire [of Seleucus].

3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast

by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison,

and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus. 2

But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he

made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the

people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of

his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice

of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another

gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted of

Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were

about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received

the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered

sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might

afford relief to his mother and brethren.

4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in

other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had

for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth

his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them

with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that unless he would

go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight

Hyrcanus's commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But

his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor

at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands,

and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered

to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of

Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for

the injuries he done to their family. Now John's case was this: When

he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set

about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces

with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his

affections. And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest

came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on

every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being

besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to

Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.

5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon,

that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and

besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who was

the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents

in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand

talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that

had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.

6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition

against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged

upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as

thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them

empty of good troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in

their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these,

[he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that

temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also

took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa.

7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste,

which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a

wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who

pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city,

that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They

also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their

assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation,

but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued

as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So

they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the

wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made

slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their

undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with

an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid

waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.

8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied,

and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got

together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war,

in which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life very

happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary

manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died,

leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and

afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his

account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in

the world,--the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and

the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was

not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he

foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters

of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe

their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father

in felicity.

CHAPTER 3.

How Aristobulus Was The First That Put A Diadem About His

Head; And After He Had Put His Mother And Brother To Death,

Died Himself, When He Had Reigned No More Than A Year.

1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus,

changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a

diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three

months after our people came down into this country, when they were set

free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to

have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his

equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also

put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him;

for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also

proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to

death in prison.

2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother

Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom;

for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the

palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would

not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his

brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales

were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came

once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our

ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those

days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the

feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this

when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great

measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now at this very

time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what

a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus

marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person,

and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him;

for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it

was in his power to take the kingdom himself.

3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these

accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion

openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he

placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage;

for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though

afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if

Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him

in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know

beforehand that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the

queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his

ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king's

message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a

very the suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee;

and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all

that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because,

said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.

4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not

allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor

on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark

passage which was called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body

guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all

good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are

strong enough to resist envy perpetually.

5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He

was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in

his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing

along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, [they were not a

few who attended upon him as his scholars,] "O strange!" said he, "it is

good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that

I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive,

who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be

slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at

the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours

of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction

impossible to be fill filled." And when the old man had said this, he

was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But in a little time news

came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself

also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay

by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's

disorder.

6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty

of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also

grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the

thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces

by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of

blood. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that

blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the

very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of

the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been

murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among

the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in

that place; and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the

cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much

the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had

threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he

burst into tears, and groaned, and said, "So I perceive I am not like

to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have

committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me

hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul

that ought to die on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a

mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop

by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be

disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them." As soon

as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no

longer than a year.

CHAPTER 4.

What Actions Were Done By Alexander Janneus, Who Reigned

Twenty-Seven Years.

1. And now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made

Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his

temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of

his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them

in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public

affairs.

2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who

was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a

great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy.

But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired

into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did

Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about

Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of

Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and

took what belonged to himself as well as the king's baggage, and slew

ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and

turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza,

with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.

3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the

nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for

at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he

should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his

foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as

to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on

account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he

had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion

into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the

Gileadires and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and

returned to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great

success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.

4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had

laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his

entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to

pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to

Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make

an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the

calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and,

in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer

than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had

he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his

own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to

come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this

mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still

more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should

do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it

would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done

such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time

they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as

he readily complied with their requests, in hopes of great advantages,

and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries

about Shechem.

5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen,

and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him

that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand;

while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen

thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made

proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make

them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries

to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with

Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave off their

rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and

to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was

the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries showed the greatest

exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove

different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did

those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him,

though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the

change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains,

came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but

supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and

that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country,

and went his way.

6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their

quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they

had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part

of them, and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had

demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his

rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the

degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon

crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and

children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he

was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which so deep a

surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers

fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only

terminated by Alexander's death; so at last, though not till late,

and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his

kingdom, and left off fighting any more.

7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an

origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the

last of the race of the Seleucidae. 3 Alexander was afraid of him, when

he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between

Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he

also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers,

in order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to

exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches,

and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his

revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less

consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians, whose king

retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the

enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in

number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army while they were in

disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as

he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among

them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in

the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the

greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the

flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened

that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.

8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their

hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the

government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an

expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards

retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken

Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of

Theodorus's possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the

garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and

Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which,

he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was

governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to

his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole

years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation,

because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war,

he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and

supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he

should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at

unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships

than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died,

therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and

twenty years.

CHAPTER 5.

Alexandra Reigns Nine Years, During Which Time The Pharisees

Were The Real Rulers Of The Nation.

1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended

upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she

had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with,

and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the

good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for

this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her

piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and

cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy

laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder

high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of

his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But

she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by

reason of the warmth of his temper.

2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in

the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more

religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately.

Now Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being

herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully

insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became

themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished

and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their

pleasure; 4 and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal

authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to

Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great

affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she

increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign

troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but

terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people,

and the Pharisees governed her.

3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure,

and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having

assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men

[before mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death

the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so

superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew

whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in

danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on

account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she

took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and

were dispersed all over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her

army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing

that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable

resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay

with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, 5 by agreements

and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from

the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon

Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.

4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger

son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had

a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth

of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used

the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary

soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's

complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put

Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a

fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have

already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of

Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the other cities,

Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them

from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish

Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned

nine years.

CHAPTER 6.

When Hyrcanus Who Was Alexander's Heir, Receded From His

Claim To The Crown Aristobulus Is Made King; And Afterward

The Same Hyrcanus By The Means Of Antipater, Is Brought Back

By Abetas. At Last Pompey Is Made The Arbitrator Of The

Dispute Between The Brothers.

1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother

commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power

and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide

the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted

Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those of his

party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the

hostages that might be for his preservation [which were Aristobulus's

wife, with her children]; but they came to an agreement before things

should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and

Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his

dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled

to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind

manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their

houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired

to the house of Aristobulus.

2. Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were

afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this

concerned Antipater 6 whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth

an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his

ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also

persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay

claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus,

and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon

Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus,

and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a filing

it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his

assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated

unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by

the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to

do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from

the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to

the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia,

where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with

him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him

to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This

army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which

Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his

first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been taken

at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and

seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was

sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against

Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by

Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his

hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a

certain booty.

3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there

came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his

assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with

him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received,

he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with

the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise

the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to

Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was

Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but

gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought

them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them,

and, together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.

4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from

the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and

because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they

fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same

equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate

the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him

to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and

on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus

wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus

had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after

a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon

thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not

endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was

used to; so he departed from Diospolis.

5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and

his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his

Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against

Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was

come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go

up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was

fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost

magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and

commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his fortune

in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather

than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in

great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of

the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their

advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for

himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government,

he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to

plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and

then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between

hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to

allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel,

it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However,

Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to

write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having

had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his

own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had

still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and

prepared to fight with Pompey.

6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a

siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste

in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed

about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which

bears a vast number of palm trees 7 besides the balsam tree, whose

sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the

juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that

place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but

Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him

by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would

deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby

mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the

conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party would not so much

as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that

he had promised.

CHAPTER 7.

How Pompey Had The City Of Jerusalem Delivered Up To Him But

Took The Temple By Force. How He Went Into The Holy Of

Holies; As Also What Were His Other Exploits In Judea.

1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into

custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he

might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would

be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was

terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself

encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were

taken, that temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to

retire to.

2. Now as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition

arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being

willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of

Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were

in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked

upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's

party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the

communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the

bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to

the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and

had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great

officers, into that palace with an army, who distributed a garrison

about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had

fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed

all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks,

as having Hyrcanus's party very ready to afford them both counsel and

assistance.

3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of

the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to

carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to

fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as

the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior

situation; nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not

Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain

from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but

restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only

acted defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled

up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those

engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried

to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood

above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the

city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for

largeness and magnificence.

4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans

underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances

of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit

their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts

on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily

sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious

worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor

indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day

slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine

worship that were appointed by their law; for it was in the third

month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty

overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first

of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of

Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and

every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed

the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running

for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in

their own defense.

5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies

assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go

on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering

their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the

duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The

greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse

faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices;

nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable

difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that

were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of the

Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain,

but a greater number was wounded.

6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the

calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had

been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for

Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself 8

whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and

saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the

table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely

of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two

thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor

any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers

about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse

it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made

Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed

great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the

means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting

for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done;

by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled

the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the

Captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle:

so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but

rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely,

with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon

Jerusalem itself.

7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had

formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to

him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and

reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, 9 that

had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius,

who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other

cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,

such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and

Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these

Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the

maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was

anciently called Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the

most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Cesarea, by king

Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under

the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the

countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as

their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made

all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way

to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his

captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons,

Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with

his sisters, were carried to Rome.

CHAPTER 8.

Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus, Who Ran Away From Pompey,

Makes An Expedition Against Hyrcanus; But Being Overcome By

Gabinius He Delivers Up The Fortresses To Him. After This

Aristobulus Escapes From Rome And Gathers An Army Together;

But Being Beaten By The Romans, He Is Brought Back To Rome;

With Other Things Relating To Gabinius, Crassus And Cassius.

1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was

stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid

waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great

hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply

which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him

provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas,

as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy

his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him

three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia 10

2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from

Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay

heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn

him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to

rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who

was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in

many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who, as

he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army,

composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen.

He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and

Machaerus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.

3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed

himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that

were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of

Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains

that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came

Gabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not

able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined,

he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to

fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which

fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the

remainder to Alexandrium.

4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great

many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their

former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a

fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he

slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the

citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this

battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it

so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went

away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished,

and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his

injunctions, the following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and

Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and

Mariassa, and Adoreus, and Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while

a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their

inhabitants.

5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to

Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of

ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed

him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the

remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Machaerus, as he put Alexandrium

into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the

persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of

men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out

of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were

her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus

to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained

the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also parted

the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to

Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a

fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris,

a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from

monarchical government, and were governed for the future by all

aristocracy.

6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances.

He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that

were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old;

and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to

build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against

him under Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it,

and retreated to Machaerus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he

dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to

the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the

lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand

of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle,

Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length

they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down

dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the

thousand that remained with Aristobulus brake through the Roman army,

and marched together to Machaerus; and when the king had lodged the

first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if

the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong

hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling

upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then

was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son,

who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was

carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement,

but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them

by letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her

delivering the fortresses up to him.

7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians,

he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he

brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide

every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater

furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he

also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at

Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other

part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,

brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very

great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the

country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, [for he was come back already out

of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,] and

sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet.

However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself

eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when

the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten

thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed

themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled

the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought

and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of

Parthin, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers

that they had run away.

8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He

took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem,

in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians.

He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched;

but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army

with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak

[more largely].

9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were

marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province,

and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into

Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews

into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious

followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to

do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the

Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her,

Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph

and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now as he

made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the kind

offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them;

so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by

marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus,

he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced

Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates,

in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which

matter we shall speak elsewhere. 11

CHAPTER 9.

Aristobulus Is Taken Off By Pompey's Friends, As Is His Son

Alexander By Scipio. Antipater Cultivates A Friendship With

Caesar, After Pompey's Death; He Also Performs Great Actions

In That War, Wherein He Assisted Mithridates.

1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian

Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released

Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and

sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should

easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy

prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar;

for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party;

and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him

in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in

honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in

the royal sepulchers.

2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that

by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before

his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy,

the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took

his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon,

who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's

wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the

younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father

on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married

her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took

the greater care of her brother and sister.

3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated

a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with

the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about

Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Asealon, he persuaded the Arabians,

among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the

head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in

Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus,

Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities

of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates

ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had

gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused

him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which

place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that

part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all

into the city, with the men that were about him.

4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those

Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias

stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop

them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even

the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their

own accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and

fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay,

when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater

wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he

had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which

success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great

many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp,

while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates

lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred.

He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable

witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.

5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous

enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and

hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to

many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds

almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And when

Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria

again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from

taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks

of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also

confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.

CHAPTER 10.

Caesar Makes Antipater Procurator Of Judea; As Does

Antipater Appoint Phasaelus To Be Governor Of Jerusalem, And

Herod Governor Of Galilee; Who, In Some Time, Was Called To

Answer For Himself [Before The Sanhedrim], Where He Is

Acquitted. Sextus Caesar Is Treacherously Killed By Bassus

And Is Succeeded By Marcus.

1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,

came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of

Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented

that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his

quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity

towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he

was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and

accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren

entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many

instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation; and

that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done

out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former

quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his

enemy] Pompey.

2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude

of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-will to Caesar, he

had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he

said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while

he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of

a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of

innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other

men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to

himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live;

for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so

much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain

the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he

should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.

3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy

of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what

authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to

him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator

of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild 12 those walls of

his country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent

orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as

indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.

4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he

returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall

of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to

go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where

he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them

that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and

peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace

and quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some

frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they

should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and

find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king; and both the Romans and

Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not

suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their

governor. And, at the same time that he said this, he settled the

affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was

inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he

constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the

parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, 13

with equal authority into Galilee.

5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his

active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the

head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a

great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the

robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians,

insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the

villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and

having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he

became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar,

and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited

Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the good-will of

the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs,

and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came

to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only

to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors

due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will

or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.

6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his

prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus

himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but

what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and

that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the

great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many

people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I

mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of

the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the

public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he

sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its

authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself,

as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now

conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords

of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was

the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command

to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in

contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a

king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it

to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one to

be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.

7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at

length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial.

Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of

Galilee would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had

first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient

body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with

him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as

to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus

Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by

his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce

expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge

against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined

also so to do, for he loved Herod.

8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the

consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing

ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon

those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that

Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and

as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he

saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since

Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he

was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation bore him,

but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the

utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against

him with his army.

9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army

together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the

accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw

Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his

father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his

fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to

threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had

been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so

much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that

he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy

nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to

reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause

is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that

therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case

where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had

often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any

otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no

further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was

prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already

done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown

his power to the nation.

10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about

Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of

Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his

good-will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as

the rest of Caesar's commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army,

in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent

them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered,

and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were

their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length,

Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus.

CHAPTER 11.

Herod Is Made Procurator Of All Syria; Malichus Is Afraid Of

Him, And Takes Antipater Off By Poison; Whereupon The

Tribunes Of The Soldiers Are Prevailed With To Kill Him.

1. There, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the

sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after

he had held the government for three years and seven months. 14 Upon

this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were

mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook himself to

that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing

themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive

the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation

between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with

him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of

the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding

their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.

2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred

talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's threats,

parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his

acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required

one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which

necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the

passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a

hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him;

and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the

cities themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two

others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus,

because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but

Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and

got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.

15

3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that

Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that

had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an

obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of

the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order

to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but

when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by

his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian

of Jerusalem, and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and

this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure

his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by

Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from

his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for

innovation.

4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the

younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus

got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have

a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of

all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him

also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But

it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of

his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one

of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to

Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died

at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management

of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and

preserved it in his hands.

5. However, Malichus, when he was suspected of poisoning Antipater, and

when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the

people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater

figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would

be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to

revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother

Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude

should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and

professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous

funeral for his father.

6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the

city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned

to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the

request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to introduce

foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they

were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that

gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malithus came to

him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted

of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his

passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father

in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus.

Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon

him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that

they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.

7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power

were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in

their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus.

When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw

his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while

he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping

excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should

raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy

about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus,

and get the crown for himself.

8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he

was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but

calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he

sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in

reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against

him; accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given

them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the

sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him

with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately affrighted, till

he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was

with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had

killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done

by the command of Cassius, "Then," said he, "Cassius hath saved both me

and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them

both." Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his

fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so,

is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon

Malichus.

CHAPTER 12.

Phasaelus Is Too Hard For Felix; Herod Also Overcomes

Antigonus In Rattle; And The Jews Accuse Both Herod And

Phasaelus But Antonius Acquits Them, And Makes Them

Tetrarchs.

1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at

Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might

revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother.

Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus,

and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by

sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix,

and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what

assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus's

brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten

a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all,

Masada.

2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of

Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses

again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he

also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when

he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to

those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some

of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured

good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had

indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants

over all Syria 16 and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted

Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius's account,

whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly

on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of

Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.

3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he

was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to

Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done;

for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now,

because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had

formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood,

who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry

Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the

granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the

king.

4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and

Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the

cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of

the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the

government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable

name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made

Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he

brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against

him; and thus did they part at this time.

5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among

the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with

Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were

the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused

the brethren. 17 But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren,

and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to

them. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party

was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were

the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly

treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater,

when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren

tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.

6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony

took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going

to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which

occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a

thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching

to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor

of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and

to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs.

7. But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore, and

earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring

ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash

contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out

armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom

those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded

put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that

had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such

disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in

bonds also.

CHAPTER 13.

The Parthians Bring Antigonus Back Into Judea, And Cast

Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Into Prison. The Flight Of Herod, And

The Taking Of Jerusalem And What Hyrcanus And Phasaelus

Suffered.

1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the

Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of

Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his

father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he

prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and

five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn

Hyrcanus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and

marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon

the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but

of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although

those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop

of his horse to a certain cup-bearer belonging to the royal family,

of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in

order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help

Antigonus when he should want his assistance.

2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together

to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into

the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the

woodland 18 ] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought

between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran

after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they

proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus

received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the

market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up

in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to

them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in,

and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked

and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other

by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made

continually among them.

3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the

places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of

people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest

part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and

Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault

upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter

of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to

flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within

the outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that Pacorus

might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was

prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred

horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he

came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus;

however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an

ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although

Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to

kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for

him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However,

Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less

suspected; he also 19 left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen,

with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.

4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people

of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly

to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions

by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them

presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and

when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they

perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed

of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the

greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five

hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always

laid for them by the barbarians in the night time; they had also been

seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod

first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery

of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report,

but they saw the guards already not far off them.

5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away,

although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had

learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of

all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and

reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against

them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him

that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus

had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to

remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to

the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were

left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who

could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.

6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how

to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city,

as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the

beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger,

who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery

intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city;

though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet

the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not

taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots

upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others

that his brother was seized; and Alexandra 20 the shrewdest woman in the

world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor

trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt

upon him openly.

7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring

their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent

a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented

them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to

him by night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But

as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as

he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was

betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the

best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they

could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain

a great many of them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.

8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him

than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this

ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes

brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod

beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built

a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it

with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications,

and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their

flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called

Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease

himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not

contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod

complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his

retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions

for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest

relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and

there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the

women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself

to Petra of Arabia.

9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to

plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon

the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was

not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also,

but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had

a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to

have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea,

as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the

Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the

country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city

Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver

Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being

tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus's ears with

his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might

never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood

again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and

without blemish.

10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of

his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of

his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone;

so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a

most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end

of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another

report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that

a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with

poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths

he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that

before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had

escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, "I now die with

comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine

enemies."

11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they

had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the

government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away

Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia.

CHAPTER 14.

When Herod Is Rejected In Arabia, He Makes Haste To Rome

Where Antony And Caesar Join Their Interest To Make Him King

.

1. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as

making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive;

by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous

temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with

himself:--that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's

friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he

would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and

put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed.

Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age

of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his

brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get

them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence;

and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain.

Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the

Arabians; for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and

commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of

the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced

to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in

reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and

not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the

father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who,

equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater

had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom

he had in his kingdom.

2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this

for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most

friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested,

he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at

one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he

left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going

to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death;

and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could

bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But

now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done,

and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented

them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from

those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him

go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and

dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came

into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor,

who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the

expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations,

and being neither afrighted at the height of that storm which then

happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.

3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out

the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe

to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with

Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius;

and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked

ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to

Brundusium, 21 and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first

of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with

him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and

that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and

had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for

assistance.

4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been

made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how

hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on

account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king

of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest

also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no

less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon

Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and as for

Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering

very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the

hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good-will

he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod

himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after

him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of

the merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the

same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only

because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the

Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These

reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and

told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod

should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate

was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them;

while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in

order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony

also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.

CHAPTER 15.

Antigonus Besieges Those That Were In Masada, Whom Herod

Frees From Confinement When He Came Back From Rome, And

Presently Marches To Jerusalem Where He Finds Silo Corrupted

By Bribes.

1. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada,

who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want

of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run

away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he

had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod;

and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress

already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had

fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of

water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which,

therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a

great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush;

nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were

beaten, and ran away.

2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria,

to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that,

he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party,

but in reality to get money of Antigonus; and when he had pitched his

camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went

away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo

with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking

of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped

that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore

cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean time, lest any

interruption should be given to his hopes.

3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to

Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of

foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee

against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both

whom Dellius, 22 a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod

[into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and

composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians,

as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given

him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his

forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few

exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set

about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to

deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood

in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take

that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should

go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power behind

him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion

of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued

him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,] Herod made all excursion

upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and

saved Silo when he was in distress.

4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free

his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him, induced by

their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already

gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had

received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on

his side, was the hopes from him when he should be established in his

kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be

conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out,

in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily

recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the

fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that

were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the

city, from a dread of his power.

5. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the

guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them,

while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront;

but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was

come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city,

without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant

oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him.

Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did

neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their

party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the

walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers,

and put them to flight.

6. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set

many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to

require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that

he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters;

because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of

Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the

army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the

captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and

begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and

Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants

supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went

hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance

of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses; and in order to

provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he

sent to the people that were about Samaria [which city had joined itself

to him] to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When

Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to

hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was

obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about

Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the

provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five

of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with

some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few

horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city

deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and

children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these

he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the

city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of

good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and

sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to

take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea, [or Idumea,] and

Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also by bribes obtained of Silo to let a

part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius.

CHAPTER 16.

Herod Takes Sepphoris And Subdues The Robbers That Were In

The Caves; He After That Avenges Himself Upon Machaerus, As

Upon An Enemy Of His And Goes To Antony As He Was Besieging

Samosata.

1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war.

However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it,

with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by

sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by

Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had

been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he

marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the

garrisons placed there by Antigonus.

2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, 23 in a very great snow, he

took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept

it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity

to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there

being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he

hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great

part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as

a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three

cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela,

and came himself forty days afterwards 24 with the rest of his forces

Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms;

for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the

boldness of robbers: when therefore it came to a pitched battle,

they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one; but Herod,

wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their

assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight,

and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could

not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned

back and ran away. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he

followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that

remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan;] and Galilee was

freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that

remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere

they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place,

distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave

every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great

deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters.

He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroas, to take care of a good

market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to

build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions

accordingly.

4. In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for

Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered

them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed

Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those

that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy

mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only

some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but

the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth,

and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king

was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of

impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length

make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he

let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths

of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when

they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and

as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made,

that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of

them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come,

many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the

father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother,

desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right

hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He

ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the

cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod

was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were

moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and

besought him to spare his children; yet did not he relent at all upon

what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of

his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had

thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself

down after them.

5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were

in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought

sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and

returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen,

and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used

to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure,

fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him;

they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and

to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this

insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and

destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all

those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a

hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had

made in the country.

6. By this time [the Parthians being already driven out of the country,

and Pacorus slain] Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand

horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus.

Now Antigonus besought Machaerus, who was their general, by letter, to

come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about

Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and

promised to give him money for such his assistance; but he complied not

with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that

sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other

offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to

discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who

dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions

were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself

against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Machaerus was

ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and as he

was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met

with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as

if they were for Antigonus.

7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against

Machaerus as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched

to Antony to accuse Machaerus of maladministration. But Machaerus was

made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately,

and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him.

However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony;

but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata 25 with a great army,

which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste;

as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his

courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he

came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the

barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who

admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly,

he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes

that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to

deliver up Samosata.

CHAPTER 17.

The Death Of Joseph [Herod's Brother] Which Had Been

Signified To Herod In Dreams. How Herod Was Preserved Twice

After A Wonderful Manner. He Cuts Off The Head Of Pappus,

Who Was The Murderer Of His Brother And Sends That Head To

[His Other Brother] Pheroras, And In No Long Time He

Besieges Jerusalem And Marries Mariamne.

1. In the mean time, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He

had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make

no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Machaerus would

not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what

he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was

at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and

marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Machaerus sent with

him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was

now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the

mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both

killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the

entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised

men, gathered out of Syria, and here was no mixture of those called

veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were

unskillful in war.

2. This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to

that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously;

for when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain,

he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given

fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of

Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus's,

that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were

on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great

change made also in Idumea, where Machaerus was building a wall about

one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet

been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and

when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him

orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt; but

Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and

followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.

3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which

clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed

in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with

that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he

put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against

his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his

strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got him eight hundred men

of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined

with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an

irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to

the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual

attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to

pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But

when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony,

joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and

left their fortifications in the night time.

4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he

could to be avenged on his brother's murderers; where happened to him

a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped,

he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there

feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was

over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately.

And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should

undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going

about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six

thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began

to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold

as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them

at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in

which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart.

5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in

the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his

companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose

Machaerus; but Herod overran the enemy's country, and demolished five

little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them,

and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his

head-quarters were at the village called Cana.

6. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of

Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do

out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious

actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire

of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his

party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal,

but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a

close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while;

but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the

murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been

the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had

beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it

still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while

some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also

pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he

also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled

with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for

their defense; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside,

he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within;

upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps;

and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them

with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and

lying on heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along

the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the

multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the

village were slain, they dispersed themselves, and fled away; upon the

confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem,

unless he tad been hindered by the depth of winter's [coming on]. This

was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious

progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who

was already disposed to forsake the city.

7. Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to

refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself,

while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe

himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was

gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a

sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that

more of them; these were men who had run away out of the battle into

the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great

terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for

fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored

to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at

hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to

have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.

8. But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the

general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his

brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he

was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched

to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third

year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before

the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was

that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and

demolished the suburbs, end raised three banks, and gave orders to

have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his

acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the

daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had

been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he

accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had

his enemies in great contempt already.

9. When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a

greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen

and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while

he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten

together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand

horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part

of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's

dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king;

and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to

Herod's assistance.

CHAPTER 18.

How Herod And Sosius Took Jerusalem By Force; And What Death

Antigonus Came To. Also Concerning Cleopatra's Avaricious

Temper.

1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into

several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being

the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the

happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the

more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing

others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the

places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left

either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were

used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the

siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the

wall; and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a

hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any

way as in the mines under ground.

2. Now as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived

that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their

excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they

should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard

for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war; although they were

bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle

with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under

ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before

they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its

stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of

painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the

very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about

them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men

ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's

centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what

was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was

slaughter of vast multitudes every where, by reason of the rage the

Romans were in at the length of this siege, and by reason that the Jews

who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries

might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they

were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running

away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or

to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent

about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded

to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all

ages, like madmen. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his

former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell

at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his

condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona. 26

Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him

into bonds, and kept him in custody.

3. But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under

his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the

multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and

what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to

restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings,

nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to

him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also

forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in

the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city

of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert,--and told

him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a

compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said

that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for

what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would

give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he

purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to

them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier,

and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty

to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition.

Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away

from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the

axe bring him to his end, 27 who still had a fond desire of life, and

some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well

deserved to die by it.

4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city;

and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends

by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party,

he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he

had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could

he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was

now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by

her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no

one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying

those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among

the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she

might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her

avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have

Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.

5. Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for

though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great

kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for

them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the

plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree,

and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the

river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon 28 excepted. And when she was become

mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against

the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus

into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large

presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from

his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her

also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it

was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led

with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra;

for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the

prey that was taken with him.

CHAPTER 19.

How Antony At The Persuasion Of Cleopatra Sent Herod To

Fight Against The Arabians; And Now After Several Battles,

He At Length Got The Victory. As Also Concerning A Great

Earthquake.

1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to

the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in

Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by

Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of

the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we

have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea

and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the

Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become

mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might

destroy one of those kings by the other.

2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at

the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great

body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diespous;

and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him.

After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled

themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes,

and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to

manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they

should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply

with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory,

that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first

onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in

that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and

always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that

country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took

courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about

stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men

to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped

out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their

camp, and took it, with all the men in it. 3. In a little time after

this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late.

Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey

orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found

a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even

with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them

more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he

was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another

providential calamity; for in the seventh 29 year of his reign, when the

war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the

earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty

thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open

air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians

to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as

is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all

Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should

easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power,

they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the

Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation

were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness

of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and

endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech

which he made to them:

4. "The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon

you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at

that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer

yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As

for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this

earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the

Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion

proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any

great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action.

Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill

success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men,

either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that

fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may

readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once

victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very

likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of

beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident,

they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with

caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness

that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you

ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on,

Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming

dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And

indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come

to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they

ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential

misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive;

nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to

become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive,

and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the

quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake

is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are

according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing further

to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there

may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and

famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their

force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And

indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent

one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of

our enemies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and

this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners

neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our

ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have

destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in

relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his

invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in

case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up

boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one therefore go on

and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the

danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead

ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who

are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before

you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is

irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly." 30

5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with

what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that

sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched

his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification

that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was

desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been

sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some

who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself

went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every

day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out

of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general,

Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear,--so Herod came upon

them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were

compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that

the horsemen and foot-men were mixed together. They were indeed superior

to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they

were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of

victory.

6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain;

but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to

pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished,

till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest

of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the

fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and

while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had

another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of

water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when

they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption,

he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their

thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by

multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them

were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left

despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod

fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished

Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that

he was chosen by the nation for their ruler.

CHAPTER 20.

Herod Is Confirmed In His Kingdom By Caesar, And Cultivates

A Friendship With The Emperor By Magnificent Presents; While

Caesar Returns His Kindness By Bestowing On Him That Part Of

His Kingdom Which Had Been Taken Away From It By Cleopatra

With The Addition Of Zenodoruss Country Also.

1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important

affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already

overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for

Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued

his assistance to him. However, the king resolved to expose himself to

dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and

came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a

private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing

of the truth, but spoke thus before his face: "O Caesar, as I was made

king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal

authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I

conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an

inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However,

I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand

[cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the

bow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was

able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him

that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to

kill Cleopatra; and I promised him that, if she were once dead, I would

afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself

to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra

stopped his ears, as did God himself also who hath bestowed the

government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with

him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come

hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire

that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose

friend, I have been."

2. Caesar replied to him thus: "Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety,

but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before;

for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason

of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally

constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I

depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath

done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have

gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend

before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written

to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do

therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree:

I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that

thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony."

3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put

the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on

him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man

after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind

to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive

Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him.

But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many

and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty

of; and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Caesar went

for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich

entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as

he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all

his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was

necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of

water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a

dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence;

nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore

the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom

was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which

reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were

dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an

addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had

been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos,

and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza 31 and Anthedon,

and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four

hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been

to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make

these presents as the generosity of him that received them.

4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom

both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood,

Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following

occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along

sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had

recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he

would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was

acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should

be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and

cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar

did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become

a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He

also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year

afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so

established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the

administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar

bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee.

Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by

Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he

arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his

soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the

promotion of piety.

CHAPTER 21.

Of The [Temple And] Cities That Were Built By Herod And

Erected From The Very Foundations; As Also Of Those Other

Edifices That Were Erected By Him; And What Magnificence He

Showed To Foreigners; And How Fortune Was In All Things

Favorable To Him.

1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the

temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land

was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid

out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were

unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were

erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side.

The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel 32 he

repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which

he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in

the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments;

to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The

one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two

great] friends.

2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only,

with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire

cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in

Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants

into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in

the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to

Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three

furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or

Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular

manner.

3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional

country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the

fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a

mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath,

or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a

horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains

a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when any body lets

down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no

length of cord is sufficient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jordan

rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this

is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more

accurately in our following history.

4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the

citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more

useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same

friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his

kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat

that was for Caesar's honor; and when he had filled his own country with

temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his

province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.

5. And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was

much decayed, [its name was Strato's Tower,] but that the place, by the

happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his

liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with

several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his

magnanimity; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore between Dora

and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no

good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt

was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that

threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast

waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the

sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses

he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built

a haven larger than was the Pyrecum 33 [at Athens]; and in the inner

retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships

also].

6. Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his

purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the

firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and

the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had

any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a

space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom

water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in

depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was

filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already

extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of

which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves,

whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but

the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this

wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which

was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.

7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt;

and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk,

for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the

entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most

gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side

three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are

on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid

tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones

joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on

the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined

to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this

haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal

distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven,

upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent

both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not

less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble.

The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he

dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there;

but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, 34 and named it

Cesarea accordingly.

8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and

market-place, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed

games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's

Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred

ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but

those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third

place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthedon,

a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and

named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his

friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he

had himself erected in the temple.

9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was

so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built

in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and

trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about

a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very

fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros.

Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it

by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and

magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in

the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.

10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he

not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain

towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium 35 and he called

that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty

furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much

curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all

about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most

costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the

inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the

outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought

a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges,

and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble,

for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He

also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to

receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also,

insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the

fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace

only.

11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul

to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at

Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus,

as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at

Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built

aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those

of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round

a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness.

Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few

cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts

of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever

also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well

as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He

also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large

sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places,

and frequently also. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he

rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before.

What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians?

or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according

to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and

Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia,

full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that

large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with

polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when

it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and

filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of

the same length.

12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those

particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what

favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to

all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the

Olympic games reached. For when he perceived that they were come to

nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece

were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that

return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened

to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for

perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never

fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments

of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of

Phasaelis, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those

annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much

disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy,

or seem to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed

more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.

13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most

excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by the means of

his great skill in riding horses; for in one day he caught forty wild

beasts: 36 that country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it

is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as

could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood

amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the

javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark. And then,

besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind

and body, fortune was also very favorable to him; for he seldom failed

of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the

occasion of such failings, but he either was betrayed by some, or the

rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat.

CHAPTER 22.

The Murder Of Aristobulus And Hyrcanus, The High Priests, As

Also Of Mariamne The Queen.

1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great

successes, by raising him up domestical troubles; and he began to have

wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so

very fond. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom

he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at

Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of

Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose

in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return

from Rome. For, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris,

for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him

to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this

he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of

Parthin to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting

against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes,

when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates

were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration

they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires,

when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not

perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his

temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own

country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this,--not that

Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter

for him to be their king than for Herod.

2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them

were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was

educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those

of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because

they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all

this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every

day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that

he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But

Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had

indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done,

while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly

reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to

her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though

he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at

the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that

dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments,

and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great

crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to

Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a

pool till he was drowned.

3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and

mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account

of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her,

and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed;

which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also

contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make

the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into

Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus

showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after

women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her.

This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into

disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to

be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a

shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off,

as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the

dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.

4. When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed

his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be

faithful to him, and bare him good-will on account of their kindred; he

also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should

slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to

demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think

of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand

secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked

together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured

her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had

for her--"Yes," says she, "thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love

to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedst him

to kill me." 37

5. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a

distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that

injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made

him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after

a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity

also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph;

whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both

of them to be slain immediately; but as soon as ever his passion was

over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was

worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his

desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but

would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were

still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and

trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been

for her while she was living.

CHAPTER 23.

Calumnies Against The Sons Of Mariamne. Antipateris

Preferred Before Them. They Are Accused Before Caesar, And

Herod Is Reconciled To Them.

1. Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne

their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime

towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and

this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they

were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them

as they grew up to be men; and when they were Come to an age fit for

marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which

Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the

daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness

in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that

calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain

of them spake now more plainly to the king that there were treacherous

designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to

Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in

order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long

enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by

Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and

began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.

2. But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs;

but when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the

nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation;

but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at

it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger,

Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very

great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of

calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them

himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories

against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all

hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into

his father's will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal

ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem.

He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's

bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were

flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a

pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.

3. So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and charged him with an

attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for

lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater,

and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon

his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies

laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his

brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed

the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was

enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which

he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man

in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father

objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death,

he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as

to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them

immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these,

that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he

should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.

4. After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven

his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without

his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the

fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his

hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod

sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa, 38 where Archelaus treated them

in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of

his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this

the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that

they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted

Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty

talents.

5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people

together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an

apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and

thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under

disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of

greater consequence than the kingdom itself,--"and which I will render

still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the

government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital

for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do

declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first

place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the

next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and

the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay,

indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings.

Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their

father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to

them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births;

for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is

honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him

that is dishonored sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are

to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so

constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as

well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will

produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with

whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural

affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but

all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on

me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give

them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will

enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the

burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not.

And let every one consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my

life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that

men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a

luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we

have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may

arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with

my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me

on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore

forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant]

respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes

near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good

man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious,

his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it

is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons'

side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be

at concord with them. But do you, O my good children, reflect upon

the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is

preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon

Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third

place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to

command you,--continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal

honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case

you be at concord one with another." When the king had thus spoken, and

had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed

the multitude; some of which gave their assent to what he had said, and

wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a

change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he

said.

CHAPTER 24.

The Malice Of Antipater And Doris. Alexander Is Very Uneasy

On Glaphyras Account. Herod Pardons Pheroras, Whom He

Suspected, And Salome Whom He Knew To Make Mischief Among

Them. Herod's Eunuchs Are Tortured And Alexander Is Bound.

1. But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these

brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the

other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the

privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater

very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him. But then this

last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to

hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed

the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility

of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in their

minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their

[seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to

spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was

presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to

Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the

simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was

still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a

little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from

the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to

provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have

some foundation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given

out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply

the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all

either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to

conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad

by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of

Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexander's

acquaintance with money, or got into their favor by flatteries; by which

two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their

master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said. Thus

did he act a part very cunningly in all points, and wrought himself a

passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on

a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus, but

suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when any

thing was told against Alexander, he would come in, and pretend [to be

of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would

afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an

indignation at him. His general aim was this,--to lay a plot, and to

make it believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for

nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies as did

Antipater's apologies for him.

2. By these methods Herod was inflamed, and as much as his natural

affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it

increase towards Antipater. The courtiers also inclined to the same

conduct, some of their own accord, and others by the king's injunction,

as particularly did Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, as also the

king's brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all; and

what was the bitterest part of all to Alexander, Antipater's mother was

also all in all; she was one that gave counsel against them, and was

more harsh than a step-mother, and one that hated the queen's sons more

than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All men did therefore already pay

their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the

king's command which alienated every body [from the brethren], he having

given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not

come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod

was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but

to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given such a privilege to no other

king as he had given to him, which was this,--that he might fetch back

any one that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under

his own jurisdiction. Now the young men were not acquainted with the

calumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard

themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not

make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little

time they perceived how things were by his coldness to them, and by the

great uneasiness he showed upon any thing that troubled him. Antipater

had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their

aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her, as with a wife,

and irritating her against them. Moreover, Alexander's wife, Glaphyra,

augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and

genealogy [from great persons], and pretending that she was a lady

superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father's

side from Temenus, and by her mother's side from Darius, the son of

Hystaspes. She also frequently reproached Herod's sister and wives with

the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by

him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his

were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many

wives, 39 and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander,

on account of Glaphyra's boasting and reproaches.

3. Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who

was his mother-in-law, besides the anger he had conceived at Glaphyra's

reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the meanness

of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low

family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood. At

this Salome's daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that

Alexander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he

should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens,

and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake

this jest upon them, that they had been very carefully instructed, to

fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her

anger, but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony be suspected,

since it was against her own son-in-law There was also another calumny

that ran abroad and inflamed the king's mind; for he heard that these

sons of his were perpetually speaking of their mother, and, among their

lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when

he made presents of any of Mariamne's garments to his later wives, these

threatened that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would

clothe theft in no better than hair-cloth.

4. Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the

young men's high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a

better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by

sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a

king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted

them to love their brethren, and told them that he would pardon their

former offenses, if they would amend for the time to come. But they

refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they

were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their

vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears

against such tales, and not be too easy in believing them, for that

there would never be wanting those that would tell lies to their

disadvantage, as long as any would give ear to them.

5. When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got

clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for

sorrow in some time afterward; for they knew that Salome, as well as

their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy

and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with

Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had

also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage

of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his

brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made

accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family,

who was no other than his own wife's sister, and after her death had

solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three

hundred talents; but Pheroras refused to consummate this royal marriage,

out of his affection to a maidservant of his. Upon which account Herod

was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother's son

of his, [Joseph,] who was slain afterward by the Parthians; but in some

time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and pardoned him, as one

not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maid-servant.

6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen

[Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there

came then so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he

was an exceeding lover of his brethren, was brought to believe what was

said, and to be afraid of it also. And when he had brought many of those

that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras's

own friends; none of which did openly confess the crime, but they owned

that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to

the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king

had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to

death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance

and flight of his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for

her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry

Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter

enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that

Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also

pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of.

7. But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander, and all

of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs who were in the

highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the offices they were in

about him; for one of them was appointed to be his butler, another of

them got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and

lay down by him. Now Alexander had prevailed with these men, by large

gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was

told to the king, they were tortured, and found guilty, and presently

confessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also

discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how

they were deluded by Alexander, who had told them that they ought not to

fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shameless as to color

his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again; but that

they ought to fix their attention to him who was to be his successor

in the kingdom, whether he would or not; and who in no long time would

avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed,

and themselves in the first place; that the men of power did already pay

respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery,

and the officers, did secretly come to him.

8. These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately

publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day,

who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and

when any were but suspected [of treason], he put them to death, insomuch

that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedings; for every body

forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred

against others; and many there were who abused the king's bloody passion

to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies

were easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the

calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another was

accused himself, and was led away to execution together with him whom

he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made

examinations be very short. He also proceeded to such a degree of

bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused

with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition

towards his own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to

come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually

he spake harshly. But for Antipater, he insulted Alexander, now he was

under his misfortunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together,

and raised all sorts of calumny against him; and for the king, he was

brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and

contrivances, that he fancied he saw Alexander coming to him with a

drawn sword in his hand. So he caused him to be seized upon immediately,

and bound, and fell to examining his friends by torture, many of whom

died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say any thing

against their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak

falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother

Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill

him as he was hunting, and then fly away to Rome. These accusations

though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great

distress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it

some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he

had not done it unjustly.

CHAPTER 25.

Archelaus Procures A Reconciliation Between Alexander

Pheroras, And Herod.

1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his

father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his calamities, how

severe soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies,

and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the

greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly

Pheroras and Salome; nay, that Salome once came and forced him to lie

with her in the night time, whether he would or no. These books were put

into Herod's hands, and made a great clamor against the men in power.

And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being

affrighted for his son-in-law and his daughter; and he came as a proper

assistant, and in a very prudent manner, and by a stratagem he obliged

the king not to execute what he had threatened; for when he was come to

him, he cried out, "Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of

mine? Where shall I see the head of him which contrived to murder his

father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the

same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she

be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature,

she is polluted. And I cannot but admire at thy patience, against whom

this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what

haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for

his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with

thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee and by dignity, I

had espoused to him in marriage; but now we must take counsel about them

both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not

punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right

hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon

this occasion."

2. When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of

his anger, though he were in disorder, who thereupon gave him the books

which Alexander had composed to be read by him; and as he came to every

head, he considered of it, together with Herod. So Archelaus took hence

the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees

he laid the blame on those men whose names were in these books, and

especially upon Pheroras; and when he saw that the king believed him [to

be in earnest], he said, "We must consider whether the young man be not

himself plotted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not

thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for

his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of

royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy successors;

I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and

such persons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is

to persuade young men; for by such persons, not only young men are

sometimes imposed upon, but old men also, and by them sometimes are the

most illustrious families and kingdoms overturned."

3. Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of

his anger against Alexander, but was more angry at Pheroras; for the

principal subject of the four books was Pheroras; who perceiving that

the king's inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus's

friendship could do every thing with him, and that he had no honorable

method of preserving himself, he procured his safety by his impudence.

So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus, who told him that

he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught

in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had

plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes

which the young man was now under, unless he would moreover leave off

his cunning knavery, and his denials of what he was charged withal, and

confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a

kindness for him; but that if he would do so, he would afford him all

the assistance he was able.

4. With this advice Pheroras complied, and putting himself into such a

habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his

body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet, and

begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted

very wickedly, and was guilty of every thing that he had been accused

of, and lamented that disorder of his mind, and distraction which his

love to a woman, he said, had brought him to. So when Archelaus had

brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then

made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod's anger towards him, and

this by using certain domestical examples; for that when he had suffered

much greater mischiefs from a brother of his own, he prefered the

obligations of nature before the passion of revenge; because it is in

kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever

swelled by the body's weight, in which case it is not proper to cut off

such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure.

5. Upon Arehelaus's saying this, and much more to the same purpose,

Herod's displeasure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere

in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his

daughter divorced, and taken away from him, and this till he had brought

Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behavior to him,

he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his

daughter continue espoused to him: but Archelaus made him strongly

believe that he would permit her to be married to any one else, but not

to Alexander, because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage,

that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the

privileges that went along with it, might be preserved. And when the

king said that his son would take it for a great favor to him, if he

would not dissolve that marriage, especially since they had already

children between the young man and her, and since that wife of his was

so well beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would

be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had

formerly done; so if she should be once torn away from him, she would be

the cause of his falling into despair, because such young men's attempts

are best mollified when they are diverted from them by settling their

affections at home. So Arehelaus complied with what Herod desired, but

not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young

man, and reconciled his father to him also. However, he said he must,

by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had

already written a full account to him of this whole matter.

6. Thus a period was put to Archelaus's stratagem, whereby he

delivered his son-in-law out of the dangers he was in; but when these

reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and

agreeable entertainments. And when Archelaus was going away, Herod made

him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious

stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine who was called Pannychis.

He also paid due honors to every one of his friends according to their

dignity. In like manner did all the king's kindred, by his command, make

glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by

Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch.

CHAPTER 26.

How Eurycles <a href="#linknote-40" name="linknoteref-40"

id="linknoteref-40">40</a> Calumniated The Sons Of Mariamne; And How

Euaratus Of Cos's Apology For Them Had No Effect.

1. Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much

superior to Arehelaus's stratagems, who did not only overturn that

reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved

the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was

Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting

money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his

luxury. He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as a bait which he

laid in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again

manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the

kingdom in blood by his purchases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the king

by flattering him, and by talking subtlely to him, as also by the lying

encomiums which he made upon him; for as he soon perceived Herod's blind

side, so he said and did every thing that might please him, and thereby

became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king and all that

were about him had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his

country. 41

2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family,

and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what

disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his

lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander

with a pretense of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old

acquaintance of Archelaus; for which reason he was presently admitted

into Alexander's familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon

recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus. And when he had thus

made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one

method, and upon another by another. But he was principally hired by

Antipater, and so betrayed Alexander, and this by reproaching Antipater,

because, while he was the eldest son he overlooked the intrigues of

those who stood in the way of his expectations; and by reproaching

Alexander, because he who was born of a queen, and was married to a

king's daughter, permitted one that was born of a mean woman to lay

claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support him

in the most complete manner. Nor was his advice thought to be other

than faithful by the young man, because of his pretended friendship

with Archelaus; on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him

Antipater's behavior with regard to himself, and this without concealing

any thing from him; and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he had

killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this

Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him.

He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the

same things. Thus did he inveigle both the brothers to make complaints

of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand

secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers

had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with

their drawn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of

money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father, and

at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to

their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod,

and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the favors

he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way

of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a sword had been

long whetted, and Alexander's right hand had been long stretched out

against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his

speed, and that by pretending to assist him in his design: how Alexander

said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to

others, and to make dilapidations in their mother's government after

he had killed her; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious

successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that

pestilent fellow Antipater:--that he would now appease the ghosts of

Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking vengeance on him; for that it was not

fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father

without bloodshed: that many things happen every day to provoke him so

to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion

for calumny against him; for that if any mention be made of nobility

of birth, even in other cases, he is abused unjustly, while his father

would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and

that his father was inglorious for want of such nobility. If they be

at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he gives offense; and if he

commends any body, they take it in way of jest. That they always find

their father unmercifully severe, and have no natural affection for

any of them but for Antipater; on which accounts, if this plot does not

take, he is very willing to die; but that in case he kill his father, he

hath sufficient opportunities for saving himself. In the first place, he

hath Archelaus his father-in-law to whom he can easily fly; and in the

next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod's character to

this day; for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread

he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he

will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone,

but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their

nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and

wicked practices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed;

what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those

cities belong upon whom he bestows his favors; that he would have

inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother

[Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in

the kingdom; on which accounts he should not be deemed a parricide.

3. When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended

Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father,

and on that account was an impediment to the other's plot against him.

Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former

accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. At which time

Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his

father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately

discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of

the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of

that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these

informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; yet did

not they confess any thing of what the king had been informed; but a

certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of

a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle

when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other

assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alexander said that this letter

was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king's secretary, a

bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting any one's hand; and after he had

counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it.

Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got

nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested.

4. However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to

have his sons kept in custody; for till now they had been at liberty.

He also called that pest of his family, and forger of all this vile

accusation, Eurycles, his savior and benefactor, and gave him a reward

of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that

could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia,

and there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend

that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over into

Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked

purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had

filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; and so he was

sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions

he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander.

5. But it will now be worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition

to this Spartan; for as he was one of Alexander's most intimate friends,

and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came;

so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which

Alexander was accused were true? He assured him upon oath that he had

never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony

avail nothing for the clearing those miserable creatures; for Herod was

only disposed and most ready to hearken to what made against them, and

every one was most agreeable to him that would believe they were guilty,

and showed their indignation at them.

CHAPTER 27.

Herod By Caesars Direction Accuses His Sons At Eurytus. They

Are Not Produced Before The Courts But Yet Are Condemned;

And In A Little Time They Are Sent To Sebaste, And Strangled

There.

1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod's cruelty against his sons; for

Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his

aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent to her to take

care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put

her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as

if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian,

she had discovered the king's grand secrets to him, who was the king's

enemy; and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk

the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came

running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given

her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young

men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent

Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his

friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along

with them. Now as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the

king's letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of

the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the

father of condemning his sons; so he wrote back to him, and appointed

him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do

well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in

a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the

governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put

them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying

away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.

2. With these directions Herod complied, and came to Berytus, where

Caesar had ordered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature

together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had appointed,

who were Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with

them, with whom was the procurator Volumnius also; next to them sat the

king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras; after whom

sat the principal men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus; for Herod had a

suspicion of him, because he was Alexander's father-in-law. Yet did not

he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly,

for he knew well enough that had they but appeared only, they would

certainly have been pitied; and if withal they had been suffered to

speak, Alexander would easily have answered what they were accused of;

but they were in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidontans.

3. So the king got up, and inveighed against his sons, as if they were

present; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted

against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of

proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and

jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thousand the like offenses

against him, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody

contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been

condemned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons.

So he asked every one's sentence, which sentence was first of all given

by Saturninus, and was this: That he condemned the young men, but not

to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his

own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of

another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there

were also who followed their example; but Volumnius began to vote on the

more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the

young men to die, some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod;

but none out of indignation at their crimes. And now all Syria and Judea

was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy;

yet did nobody, suppose that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder

his children: however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed

to Cesarea, and deliberated with himself what sort of death the young

men should suffer.

4. Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name

was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend to

Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men. This

soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation

he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went

about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished,

and nature confounded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity,

and every thing else that passion could suggest to a man who spared

not his own life; and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said,

"Truly I think thou art a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to

most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee;

since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be

put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these,

by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all wholly

to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be

thoroughly in their own power. However, consider whether this death of

Antipater's brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there

is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great

many show their indignation at it openly." Upon his saying this, he

named those that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men,

with Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.

5. At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was Trypho. This

man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused

himself, and said, "This Tero endeavored to persuade me also to cut thy

throat with my razor, when I trimmed thee, and promised that Alexander

should give me large presents for so doing." When Herod heard this, he

examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the

others denied the accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave

order that Tero should be racked more severely; but his son, out of pity

to his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he would

grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed

to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an

intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free

his father from his torments; and some said it was true.

6. And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of the

people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and

accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the

barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were

thrown at them. He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from

Cesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had

ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead

bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with

Alexander, their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end

of Alexander and Aristobulus.

CHAPTER 28.

How Antipater Is Hated Of All Men; And How The King Espouses

The Sons Of Those That Had Been Slain To His Kindred; But

That Antipater Made Him Change Them For Other Women. Of

Herod's Marriages, And Children.

1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though

he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all

knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against

his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the

posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two

sons by Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod,

and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne,

his daughters, and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for Glaphyra,

Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with

her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter,

to Antipater's uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in

order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him,

contrived this match; he also got into Pheroras's favor, and into

the favor of Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of

obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus

also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the

presents he made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as

not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out

of fear. Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore him no more

good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his

more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and

more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the

king was taking care about the orphans, and discovering at the same time

his repentance for killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those

that sprang from them.

2. Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and set

before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears, said thus

to them: "It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these

children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural

commiseration which their orphan condition requires; however, I will

endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a

better grandfather, and to leave these children such curators after

myself as are dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras,

to the elder of these brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou

mayst be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son,

Antipater, the daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to

that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose

grandfather, by the mother's side, was high priest. And let every one

that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions, which none that

hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join

these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and

of my posterity; and may he look down with eyes more serene upon them

than he looked upon their fathers."

3. While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children's

right hands together; after which he embraced them every one after an

affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this, Antipater

was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was

done; for he supposed that this dignity which was conferred on these

orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father's lifetime, and

that he should run another risk of losing the government, if Alexander's

sons should have both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to

support them. He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation,

and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews bare

to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they

remembered them now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by

all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved.

4. Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his

father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the

least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of

him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been

pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might not have the bare name of

a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never

be able to keep the government, if Alexander's son was to have both his

grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators; and he besought him

earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he

would change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives, 42

and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and

Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter; Antipas also and

Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias,

which his brother Joseph's 43 son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem

he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus; he had also two

daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis;

he had also two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin,

and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the

sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore,

the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these

intended marriages.

5. When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards these

orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to

those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought

about by the false tales of Antipater; so that at that time he made

Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bid him begone. Yet was he

afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the

marriages; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to

Pheroras's daughter.

6. Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering

Antipater could do,--even what Salome in the like circumstances could

not do; for when she, who was his sister, and who, by the means of

Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus

the Arabian, Herod swore he would esteem her his bitter enemy, unless

she would leave off that project: he also caused her, against her own

consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of

her daughters should be married to Alexas's son, and the other to

Antipater's uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters the king

had by Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and

the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus.

CHAPTER 29.

Antipater Becomes Intolerable. He Is Sent To Rome, And

Carries Herod's Testament With Him; Pheroras Leaves His

Brother, That He May Keep His Wife. He Dies At Home.

1. Now when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had

contracted such affinities as would be most for his own advantage, he

proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom; and

as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable;

for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his

security upon the terror he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him

in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom.

There was also a company of women in the court, which excited new

disturbances; for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister,

as also Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also

was so insolent as to affront the king's two daughters, 44 on which

account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although these women

were hated by him, they domineered over others: there was only Salome

who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their

meetings, as not being for the advantage of his affairs. And when those

women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much

Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings, and friendly

entertainments of one another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended

to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like

dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public,

he opposed Pheroras; but still they had private cabals and merry

meetings in the night time; nor did the observation of others do any

more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome knew every

thing they did, and told every thing to Herod.

2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras's

wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of

his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many

things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters;

and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards

for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to

become his enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his

speech to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of

these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his

wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather than forsake his

wife, Herod, not knowing what to do further in that matter, turned his

speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with

Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with any one belonging

to her. Now though Antipater did not transgress that his injunction

publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night meetings; and because

he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the

means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for

when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar

for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a

splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his

testament to carry with him,--wherein Antipater had the kingdom

bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater's

successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariamne, the high

priest's daughter.

3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to

Caesar's injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all

his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with him before. This

Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had

slain many others of Aretas's friends, and particularly Sohemus, the

most potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had prevailed with

Phabatus, who was Herod's steward, by giving him a great sum of money,

to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced

him to leave Sylleus, and by this means he demanded of him all that

Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what

he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he

was not a steward for Caesar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus was

angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with

Herod, and discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and told the king that

Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by

bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the

king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's

kingdom, yet was he by birth an Arabian; so the king ordered him to be

taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were

caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the

head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that

they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill

Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the

president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.

4. However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but proceeded

to force him to put away his wife; 45 yet could he not devise any way

by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he

had many causes of hatred to her; till at length he was in such great

uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his

kingdom. Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into

his own tetrarchy, [Perea beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should

be but one end put to his flight, and that should be Herod's death;

and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he

return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to

come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him

before he died; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward

Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation; for

he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him; but his

affection for him did him no good, for Pheroras died a little afterward.

Now though Herod had so great an affection for him to the last day

of his life, yet was a report spread abroad that he had killed him

by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to

Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for

him, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end

that one of Alexander's and Aristobulus's murderers came to.

CHAPTER 30.

When Herod Made Inquiry About Pheroras's Death A Discovery

Was Made That Antipater Had Prepared A Poisonous Draught For

Him. Herod Casts Doris And Her Accomplices, As Also

Mariamne, Out Of The Palace And Blots Her Son Herod Out Of

His Testament.

1. But now the punishment was transferred unto the original author,

Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras; for certain of

his freed-men came with a sad countenance to the king, and told him that

his brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought

him somewhat that was prepared after an unusual manner, and that, upon

his eating it, he presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's

mother and sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that

was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love potion

for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had given him

deadly poison; and that this was done by the management of Sylleus, who

was acquainted with that woman.

2. The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the

maid-servants and some of the free women also tortured; one of which

cried out in her agonies, "May that God that governs the earth and

the heaven punish this author of all these our miseries, Antipater's

mother!" The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to

inquire further into the truth of the matter. So this woman discovered

the friendship of Antipater's mother to Pheroras, and Antipater's women,

as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drunk

with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king,

and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or maidservant, to be

there; while one of the free women discovered the matter.

3. Upon this Herod tortured the maid-servants every one by themselves

separately, who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries,

and that accordingly by agreement they went away, Antipater to Rome, and

Pheroras to Perea; for that they oftentimes talked to one another thus:

That after Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon

them, and upon their wives, because, after he Mariamne and her children

he would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get as

far off the wild beast as they were able:--and that Antipater oftentimes

lamented his own case before his mother, and said to her, that he had

already gray hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again

every day, and that perhaps death would overtake him before he should

begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which

yet nobody knew when it would be, the enjoyment of the succession could

certainly be but for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the

sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived

by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that

his successor after his death was not to be any one of his own sons,

but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point Herod was plainly

distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for

he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain, because

he was of all fathers the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he

hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave

himself a hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with

Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any harm?

Antipater replied, "I wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and

leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed impossible to escape

this wild beast, who is thus given to murder, who will not permit us to

love any person openly, although we be together privately; yet may we be

so openly too, if we have but the courage and the hands of men."

4. These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that

Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to

all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he

had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So

he vented his anger first of all against Antipater's mother, and took

away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a

great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time. He

also took care of Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now

reconciled to them; but he was in great consternation himself, and

inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to

the torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person

untortured.

5. And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of

Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing

him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison

for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio,

the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras;

for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was

at Rome, and so free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that

Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife. Then did the king send

for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So

she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but

threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any

examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it

seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to

punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her

body, and escaped. The king, when she was brought to him, took care of

her, [for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall,] and asked

her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she

would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but

that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces

by torments, and leave no part of it to be buried.

6. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, "Why do I spare

to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only

tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king,

and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the

truth of what I am going to say. When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras

as he was dying," then it was that he called me to him, and said, "My

dear wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my

brother towards me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me,

and have contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I

am dead. As for myself, I receive the recompence of my impiety; but do

thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou

keepest in order to destroy him, and consume it immediately in the fire

in my sight, that I may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible

world." This I brought as he bid me, and emptied the greatest part of

it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against

uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee.

7. When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small

quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and

transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mother and brother; who both

confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they

had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at

Alexandria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round

all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could

not otherwise have been found out and brought such as were the freest

from suspicion to be examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne,

the high priest's daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very

brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be. Whereupon

the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her son, and

blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his tretament, who had been

before named therein as successor to Antipater.

CHAPTER 31.

Antipater Is Convicted By Bathyllus; But He Still Returns

From Rome Without Knowing It. Herod Brings Him To His Trial.

1. After these things were over, Bathyllus came under examination, in

order to convict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to

Antipater's designs; for indeed he was no other than his freed-man. This

man came, and brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps, and

the juices of other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the

business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy

the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent attempt

against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his

brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king's sons, and educated

at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions. Antipater set

himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not be

prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he forged letters against them

in the name of his friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes

to write how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail

Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being recalled; for

their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that

troubled Antipater.

2. Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon

his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters against them

sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion

of him, and apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf

that some of the things contained in those letters were false, and

others of them were only youthful errors. Yet at the same time that he

expended a great deal of his money, by making presents to such as wrote

against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion,

by buying costly garments, and carpets of various contextures, with

silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so,

among the view great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might

conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters];

for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred

talents, his main pretense for which was file law-suit he had been in

with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort

also, were covered by his greater villainy, while all the examinations

by torture proclaimed his attempt to murder his father, and the letters

proclaimed his second attempt to murder his brethren; yet did no one of

those that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea, although

seven months had intervened between his conviction and his return, so

great was the hatred which they all bore to him. And perhaps they were

the ghosts of those brethren of his that had been murdered that stopped

the mouths of those that intended to have told him. He then wrote from

Rome, and informed his [friends] that he would soon come to them, and

how he was dismissed with honor by Caesar.

3. Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him into

his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the

knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his guard, he dissembled

his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to

him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would

then lay aside the complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater

was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace.

However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of

the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum, 46 and made great lamentations at

it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though

probably this confusion arose on account of his having thereby failed in

his plot [on his father's life]; and his tears were more for the loss

of him that was to have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle]

Pheroras: moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest

the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia,

he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great

haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion

came into his mind relating to his mother's misfortunes; as if his soul

foreboded some mischief to itself. Those therefore of his friends which

were the most considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father,

till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been

ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the

calumnies that had been cast upon his mother: but those that were less

considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their

native country, than to Antipater's safety, persuaded him to make haste

home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an

ill suspicion, and give a handle to those that raised stories against

him; for that in case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it

was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been

present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of certain

happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to

return to his father, and take the royal authority upon him, which was

in a state of fluctuation on his account only. Antipater complied with

this last advice, for Providence hurried him on [to his destruction]. So

he passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Cesarea.

4. And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while ever body

avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was equally hated by

all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the dread

men were in at the king's anger made men keep from him; for the whole

city [of Jerusalem] was filled with the rumors about Antipater, and

Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them; for as

no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome

so was no man now received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he

began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family;

yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly

ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of countenance. Nor

could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the

difficulties which encompassed him; nor indeed had he even there any

certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason

of the threats the king had given out: yet had he some small hopes

of better tidings; for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or if any

discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by

impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon

for his deliverance.

5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the

palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut

out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to

be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father,

and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. But Herod

Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried

out, "Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to

get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God

confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast

cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint

thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very

seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against

tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for

thyself." And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make

no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came

to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him.

Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should

make against the accusations.

CHAPTER 32.

Antipater Is Accused Before Varus, And Is Convicted Of

Laying A Plot [Against His Father] By The Strongest

Evidence. Herod Puts Off His Punishment Till He Should Be

Recovered, And In The Mean Time Alters His Testament.

1. Now the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and

friends, and called in Antipater's friends also. Herod himself, with

Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and

ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants

of Antipater's mother were brought in also, who had but a little while

before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her

to her son: "Since all those things have been already discovered to

thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some

assistance from Caesar." When this and the other witnesses were

introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his

father's feet, he said, "Father, I beseech thee, do not condemn me

beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for

if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent."

2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus

to Varus: "I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright

judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid

that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy

of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought

rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such

wretched sons; for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons,

even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their

education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them

envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been

put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater;

for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care

chiefly to secure him from danger: but this profligate wild beast, when

he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed

him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I

seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age

I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by

parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of

the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting

out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a

successor to my dominions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I

was guilty for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut

off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what

kindness did I do them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater?

to I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal while I am alive, and whom I

have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and

given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him

with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and' when

he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three talents, and recommended

him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father's

deliverer. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like

these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so

strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against

me? Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes

to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard

thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how

plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who

exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to

intrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and

looked about lest any one should lay snares for me! This was he who took

care of my sleep, and secured me from fear of danger, who comforted me

under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to

see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector,

and the guardian of my body! And when I call to mind, O Varus, his

craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly

believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a

deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my

house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me

against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately

groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who

thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence

should extend itself to all my sons."

3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was

in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence

against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater lifted up his head,

[for he lay on the ground before his father's feet,] and cried out

aloud, "Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be

a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for

thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and

hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other

matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy

that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men,

but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who

sees all things, and is present every where? or did not I know what end

my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for

their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could

possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it?

I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I

beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving

thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I want money? No; for who was

able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most

execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel

wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst

bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into

the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom

thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of

the other advantages thou bestowedst on me, thou madest me an object of

envy. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence,

and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee,

and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was

I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with

contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and

so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me

Philopater. 47 Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more

to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only

apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I

have to thee. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed

[to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against

me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin,

by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me.

However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there

is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea,

without suffering any misfortune on either of them: but this method of

trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already

condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already

condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been

tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march

through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted

body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without

torture." Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and

moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case.

Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to

weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true.

4. And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he

had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had

prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards

brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all

the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the

murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the

calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid

designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots

for the succession; and [said he] how can it be supposed that he who

prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his

brethren? He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison

Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that

had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras,

because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had

corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole

palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other

accusations, and the proofs for them, he left off.

5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay along in

silence, and said no more but this, "God is my witness that I am

entirely innocent." So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be

drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon

the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod,

and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after

a day's stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform

Caesar of his misfortunes.

6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot

against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants came,

and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Julia, [Caesar's

wife,] whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that

she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had

sent it to him privately, out of her good-will to him. This letter of

Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest

accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had

corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved

by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him: "As

thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that

letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he

reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised when all

is accomplished."

7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against

Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king's mind, that perhaps

the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly

disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on

Antipater's account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him

to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he was eagerly pursuing

Antipater, he was restrained by a severe distemper he fell into.

However, he sent all account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances

against Salome; he sent also for his testament, and altered it, and

therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archelaus and Philip,

because Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he

bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a

thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and

freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great

quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome

his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts. And this was what was

contained in his testament, as it was now altered.

CHAPTER 33.

The Golden Eagle Is Cut To Pieces. Herod's Barbarity When He

Was Ready To Die. He Attempts To Kill Himself. He Commands

Antipater To Be Slain. He Survives Him Five Days And Then

Dies.

1. Now Herod's distemper became more and more severe to him, and this

because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he

was in a melancholy condition; for he was already seventy years of age,

and had been brought by the calamities that happened to him about

his children, whereby he had no pleasure in life, even when he was in

health; the grief also that Antipater was still alive aggravated his

disease, whom he resolved to put to death now not at random, but as soon

as he should be well again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public

manner].

2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a

certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city

[Jerusalem,] who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their

country, and were on that account had in very great esteem all over the

nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other

Matthias, the son of Margalus. There was a great concourse of the young

men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together

every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men.

Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away

with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their

acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause

of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of

their country; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in

the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal

whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate

of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and

told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious

thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was

immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as

died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not

wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred a death by a

disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.

3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples,

a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the

young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let

themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at

midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut

down that golden eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's

captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers,

and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king.

And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as

to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when

he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the

command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how

they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied,

because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead. 48

4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame

his disease [for the time,] and went out, and spake to the people;

wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty

of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their

law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons.

Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found

guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them

upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave

off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not

without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down,

together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest

that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death by them.

5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly

disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle

fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his

body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical turnouts about

his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen, and a putrefaction of his

privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of

breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and

had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said

those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the

Rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still

had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several

methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those

hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltites, but are

themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought

proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a

large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and

went as if he was dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants,

at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of

recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae

a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of

money given them.

6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state

of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded

to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious

men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place

called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. He then called for his

sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them:

"I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death

however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to

have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands.

Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are

now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all

Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or

no."

7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from

his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put

to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was condemned to die;

however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish

him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he for a little while revived,

and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his

pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough,

and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and

asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then

looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lift

up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first

cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from

so doing; on which occasion a very great lamentation was made in the

palace, as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater heard

that, he took courage, and with joy in his looks, besought his keepers,

for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal

keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention,

but ran and told the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried

out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some

of his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him

buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, and therein made

Archelaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his successor,

and made Antipas tetrarch.

8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died,

having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be

slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had

been made king by the Romans. Now as for his fortune, it was prosperous

in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a

private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left

it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most

unfortunate man. Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and

her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the

king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his

mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When

these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and

got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the

amphitheater at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king

with his signet ring, came before them, and spake of the happiness the

king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle

which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them

to bear good-will to his successor; and after he had read the epistle,

he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit

Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be

tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. He had also

been commanded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements

he had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the

settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he

ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they were

in his former testament.

9. So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him

upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude, went round

about in troops, and promised him their good-will, and besides, prayed

God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to

prepare for the king's funeral; and Archelaus omitted nothing of

magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment

the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with

precious stones, and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead

body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head,

and a crown of gold above it, and a sceptre in his right hand; and near

to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to

which came his guards, and the regiment of Thracians, the Germans also

and Gauls, all accounted as if they were going to war; but the rest of

the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers

in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants

and freed-men followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body

was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order

to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of

Herod.

WAR BOOK 1 FOOTNOTES

1 (return) [ I see little difference in the several accounts in Josephus

about the Egyptian temple Onion, of which large complaints are made by

his commentators. Onias, it seems, hoped to have made it very like that

at Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions; and so he appears to have

really done, as far as he was able and thought proper. Of this temple,

see Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1--3, and Of the War, B. VII. ch. 10.

sect. 8.]

2 (return) [ Why this John, the son of Simon, the high priest and

governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Josephus no where informs

us; nor is he called other than John at the end of the First Book of the

Maccabees. However, Sixtus Seuensis, when he gives us an epitome of

the Greek version of the book here abridged by Josephus, or of the

Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, then extant, assures us that he was

called Hyrcanus from his conquest of one of that name. See Authent. Rec.

Part I. p. 207. But of this younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldrich's note

here.]

3 (return) [ Josephus here calls this Antiochus the last of the

Seleucidae, although there remained still a shadow of another king of

that family, Antiochus Asiaticus, or Commagenus, who reigned, or rather

lay hid, till Pompey quite turned him out, as Dean Aldrich here notes

from Appian and Justin.]

4 (return) [ Matthew 16:19; 18:18. Here we have the oldest and most

authentic Jewish exposition of binding and loosing, for punishing or

absolving men, not for declaring actions lawful or unlawful, as some

more modern Jews and Christians vainly pretend.]

5 (return) [ Strabo, B. XVI. p. 740, relates, that this Selene Cleopatra

was besieged by Tigranes, not in Ptolemais, as here, but after she had

left Syria, in Seleucia, a citadel in Mesopotamia; and adds, that when

he had kept her a while in prison, he put her to death. Dean Aldrich

supposes here that Strabo contradicts Josephus, which does not appear

to me; for although Josephus says both here and in the Antiquities, B.

XIII. ch. 16. sect. 4, that Tigranes besieged her now in Ptolemais,

and that he took the city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does he

no where intimate that he now took the queen herself; so that both the

narrations of Strabo and Josephus may still be true notwithstanding.]

6 (return) [ That this Antipater, the father of Herod the Great was an

Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch.

15. sect. 2. It is somewhat probable, as Hapercamp supposes, and partly

Spanheim also, that the Latin is here the truest; that Pompey did him

Hyrcanus, as he would have done the others from Aristobulus, sect. 6,

although his remarkable abstinence from the 2000 talents that were in

the Jewish temple, when he took it a little afterward, ch. 7. sect. 6,

and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, will to Greek all which agree he did

not take them.]

7 (return) [ Of the famous palm trees and balsam about Jericho and

Engaddl, see the notes in Havercamp's edition, both here and B. II. ch.

9. sect. 1. They are somewhat too long to be transcribed in this place.]

8 (return) [ Thus says Tacitus: Cn. Pompelna first of all subdued the

Jews, and went into their temple, by right of conquest, Hist. B. V.

ch. 9. Nor did he touch any of its riches, as has been observed on the

parallel place of the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, out of Cicero

himself.]

9 (return) [ The coin of this Gadara, still extant, with its date from

this era, is a certain evidence of this its rebuilding by Pompey, as

Spanheim here assures us.]

10 (return) [ Take the like attestation to the truth of this submission

of Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus the Roman general, in the words of

Dean Aldrich. "Hence [says he] is derived that old and famous Denarius

belonging to the Emillian family [represented in Havercamp's edition],

wherein Aretas appears in a posture of supplication, and taking hold of

a camel's bridle with his left hand, and with his right hand presenting

a branch of the frankincense tree, with this inscription, M. SCAURUS EX

S.C.; and beneath, REX ARETAS."]

11 (return) [ This citation is now wanting.]

12 (return) [ What is here noted by Hudson and Spanheim, that this grant

of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of Judea was made by Julius

Caesar, not as here to Antipater, but to Hyrcanas, Antiq. B. XIV. ch.

8. sect. 5, has hardly an appearance of a contradiction; Antipater being

now perhaps considered only as Hyrcanus's deputy and minister; although

he afterwards made a cipher of Hyrcanus, and, under great decency of

behavior to him, took the real authority to himself.]

13 (return) [ Or twenty-five years of age. See note on Antiq. B. I. ch.

12. sect. 3; and on B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 2; and Of the War, B. II.

ch. 11. sect. 6; and Polyb. B. XVII. p. 725. Many writers of the Roman

history give an account of this murder of Sextus Caesar, and of the war

of Apamia upon that occasion. They are cited in Dean Aldrich's note.]

14 (return) [ In the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 1, the duration

of the reign of Julius Caesar is three years six months; but here three

years seven months, beginning nightly, says Dean Aldrich, from his

second dictatorship. It is probable the real duration might be three

years and between six and seven months.]

15 (return) [ It appears evidently by Josephus's accounts, both here and

in his Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 2, that this Cassius, one of

Caesar's murderers, was a bitter oppressor, and exactor of tribute

in Judea. These seven hundred talents amount to about three hundred

thousand pounds sterling, and are about half the yearly revenues of king

Herod afterwards. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. It

also appears that Galilee then paid no more than one hundred talents, or

the seventh part of the entire sum to be levied in all the country.]

16 (return) [ Here we see that Cassius set tyrants over all Syria; so

that his assisting to destroy Caesar does not seem to have proceeded

from his true zeal for public liberty, but from a desire to be a tyrant

himself.]

17 (return) [ Phasaelus and Herod.]

18 (return) [ This large and noted wood, or woodland, belonging

to Carmel, called Apago by the Septuagint, is mentioned in the Old

Testament, 2 Kings 19:23; Isaiah 37:24, and by I Strabo, B. XVI. p. 758,

as both Aldrich and Spanheim here remark very pertinently.]

19 (return) [ These accounts, both here and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect.

5, that the Parthians fought chiefly on horseback, and that only

some few of their soldiers were free-men, perfectly agree with Trogus

Pompeius, in Justin, B. XLI. 2, 3, as Dean Aldrich well observes on this

place.]

20 (return) [ Mariamac here, in the copies.]

21 (return) [ This Brentesium or Brundusium has coin still preserved, on

which is written, as Spanheim informs us.]

22 (return) [ This Dellius is famous, or rather infamous, in the history

of Mark Antony, as Spanheim and Aldrich here note, from the coins, from

Plutarch and Dio.]

23 (return) [ This Sepphoris, the metropolis of Galilee, so often

mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, as Spanheim here

informs us.]

24 (return) [ This way of speaking, "after forty days," is interpreted

by Josephus himself, "on the fortieth day," Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect.

4. In like manner, when Josephus says, ch. 33. sect. 8, that Herod lived

"after" he had ordered Antipater to be slain "five days;" this is by

himself interpreted, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1, that he died "on

the fifth day afterward." So also what is in this book, ch. 13. sect.

1, "after two years," is, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 3, "on the second

year." And Dean Aldrich here notes that this way of speaking is familiar

to Josephus.]

25 (return) [ This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, is well known

from its coins, as Spanheim here assures us. Dean Aldrich also confirms

what Josephus here notes, that Herod was a great means of taking the

city by Antony, and that from Plutarch and Dio.]

26 (return) [ That is, a woman, not, a man.]

27 (return) [ This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and.

Straho; the latter of whom is cited for it by Josephus himself, Antiq.

B. XV. ch. 1. sect. 2, as Dean Aldrich here observes.]

28 (return) [ This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans,

taken notice of by Josephus, both here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 1,

is confirmed by the testimony of Sirabe, B. XVI. p. 757, as Dean Aldrich

remarks; although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted but a little

while longer, when Augtus took it away from them.]

29 (return) [ This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the conquest

or death of Antigonus], with the great earthquake in the beginning of

the same spring, which are here fully implied to be not much before the

fight at Actium, between Octavius and Antony, and which is known from

the Roman historians to have been in the beginning of September, in the

thirty-first year before the Christian era, determines the chronology

of Josephus as to the reign of Herod, viz. that he began in the year 37,

beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy of our notice,

that this seventh year of the reign of Herod, or the thirty-first before

the Christian era, contained the latter part of a Sabbatic year, on

which Sabbatic year, therefore, it is plain this great earthquake

happened in Judea.]

30 (return) [ This speech of Herod is set down twice by Josephus, here

and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 5. sect. 3, to the very same purpose, but by no

means in the same words; whence it appears that the sense was Herod's,

but the composition Josephus's.]

31 (return) [ Since Josephus, both here and in his Antiq. B. XV. ch.

7. sect. 3, reckons Gaza, which had been a free city, among the cities

given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that Herod had made Costobarus

a governor of it before, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 9, Hardain has some

pretense for saying that Josephus here contradicted himself. But perhaps

Herod thought he had sufficient authority to put a governor into Gaza,

after he was made tetrarch or king, in times of war, before the city was

entirely delivered into his hands by Augustus.]

32 (return) [ This fort was first built, as it is supposed, by John

Hyrcanus; see Prid. at the year 107; and called "Baris," the Tower or

Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt, with great improvements, by Herod,

under the government of Antonius, and was named from him "the Tower of

Antoni;" and about the time when Herod rebuilt the temple, he seems to

have put his last hand to it. See Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect. 4; Of

the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 3; ch. 5. sect. 4. It lay on the northwest

side of the temple, and was a quarter as large.]

33 (return) [ That Josephus speaks truth, when he assures us that the

haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod not less, nay rather larger,

than that famous haven at Athens, called the Pyrecum, will appear, says

Dean Aldrich, to him who compares the descriptions of that at Athens in

Thucydides and Pausanias, with this of Cesarea in Josephus here, and in

the Antiq. B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6, and B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 1.]

34 (return) [ These buildings of cities by the name of Caesar, and

institution of solemn games in honor of Augustus Caesar, as here, and

in the Antiquities, related of Herod by Josephus, the Roman historians

attest to, as things then frequent in the provinces of that empire, as

Dean Aldrich observes on this chapter.]

35 (return) [ There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodium, in

Judea, and both mentioned by Josephus, not only here, but Antiq. B. XIV.

ch. 13. sect. 9; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6; Of the War, B. I. ch. 13. sect.

8; B. III. ch. 3. sect. 5. One of them was two hundred, and the other

sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. One of them is mentioned by

Pliny, Hist. Nat. B. V. ch. 14., as Dean Aldrich observes here.]

36 (return) [ Here seems to be a small defect in the copies, which

describe the wild beasts which were hunted in a certain country by

Herod, without naming any such country at all.]

37 (return) [ Here is either a defect or a great mistake in Josephus's

present copies or memory; for Mariamne did not now reproach Herod with

this his first injunction to Joseph to kill her, if he himself were

slain by Antony, but that he had given the like command a second time

to Soemus also, when he was afraid of being slain by Augustus. Antiq. B.

XV. ch. 3. sect. 5, etc.]

38 (return) [ That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste,

near Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this Archelaus, king of

Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, B. XV. p. 671. Stephanus of Byzantiam

also calls it "an island of Cilicia, which is now Sebaste;" both whose

testimonies are pertinently cited here by Dr. Hudson. See the same

history, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 10. sect. 7.]

39 (return) [ That it was an immemorial custom among the Jews, and their

forefathers, the patriarchs, to have sometimes more wives or wives and

concubines, than one at the same the and that this polygamy was not

directly forbidden in the law of Moses is evident; but that polygamy

was ever properly and distinctly permitted in that law of Moses, in the

places here cited by Dean Aldrich, Deuteronomy 17:16, 17, or 21:15, or

indeed any where else, does not appear to me. And what our Savior says

about the common Jewish divorces, which may lay much greater claim to

such a permission than polygamy, seems to me true in this case also;

that Moses, "for the hardness of their hearts," suffered them to have

several wives at the same time, but that "from the beginning it was not

so," Matthew 19:8; Mark 10:5.]

40 (return) [ This vile fellow, Eurycles the Lacedemonian, seems to

have been the same who is mentioned by Plutarch, as [twenty-live years

before] a companion to Mark Antony, and as living with Herod; whence he

might easily insinuate himself into the acquaintance of Herod's sons,

Antipater and Alexander, as Usher, Hudson, and Spanheim justly suppose.

The reason why his being a Spartan rendered him acceptable to the Jews

as we here see he was, is visible from the public records of the Jews

and Spartans, owning those Spartans to be of kin to the Jews, and

derived from their common ancestor Abraham, the first patriarch of the

Jewish nation, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4. sect. 10; B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 8;

and 1 Macc. 12:7.]

41 (return) [ See the preceding note.]

42 (return) [ Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine wives of

Herod were alive at the same time; and that if the celebrated Mariamne,

who was now dead, be reckoned, those wives were in all ten. Yet it is

remarkable that he had no more than fifteen children by them all.]

43 (return) [ To prevent confusion, it may not be amiss, with Dean

Aldrich, to distinguish between four Josephs in the history of Herod.

1. Joseph, Herod's uncle, and the [second] husband of his sister Salome,

slain by Herod, on account of Mariamne. 2. Joseph, Herod's quaestor, or

treasurer, slain on the same account. 3. Joseph, Herod's brother, slain

in battle against Antigonus. 4. Joseph, Herod's nephew, the husband of

Olympias, mentioned in this place.]

44 (return) [ These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife affronted,

were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who were born to him of his two

wives, Elpide and Phedra. See Herod's genealogy, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 1.

sect. 3.]

45 (return) [ This strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his wife,

who was one of a low family, and refusing to marry one nearly related to

Herod, though he so earnestly desired it, as also that wife's admission

to the counsels of the other great court ladies, together with Herod's

own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce and other marriage, all so

remarkable here, or in the Antiquities XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3.

be well accounted for, but on the supposal that Pheroras believed, and

Herod suspected, that the Pharisees' prediction, as if the crown of

Judea should be translated from Herod to Pheroras's posterity and that

most probably to Pheroras's posterity by this his wife, also would prove

true. See Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. sect. 1.]

46 (return) [ This Tarentum has coins still extant, as Reland informs us

here in his note.]

47 (return) [ A lover of his father.]

48 (return) [ Since in these two sections we have an evident account of

the Jewish opinions in the days of Josephus, about a future happy state,

and the resurrection of the dead, as in the New Testament, John 11:24,

I shall here refer to the other places in Josephus, before he became a

catholic Christian, which concern the same matters. Of the War, B. II.

ch. 8. sect. 10, 11; B. III. ch. 8. sect. 4; B. VII. ch. 6. sect. 7;

Contr. Apion, B. II. sect. 30; where we may observe, that none of these

passages are in his Books of Antiquities, written peculiarly for the use

of the Gentiles, to whom he thought it not proper to insist on topics

so much out of their way as these were. Nor is this observation to be

omitted here, especially on account of the sensible difference we

have now before us in Josephus's reason of the used by the Rabbins to

persuade their scholars to hazard their lives for the vindication of

God's law against images, by Moses, as well as of the answers those

scholars made to Herod, when they were caught, and ready to die for

the same; I mean as compared with the parallel arguments and answers

represented in the Antiquities, B. XVII. ch. 6. sect, 2, 3. A like

difference between Jewish and Gentile notions the reader will find in my

notes on Antiquities, B. III. ch. 7. sect. 7; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 1. See

the like also in the case of the three Jewish sects in the Antiquities,

B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 9, and ch. 10. sect. 4, 5; B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect.

5; and compared with this in his Wars of the Jews, B. II. ch. 8. sect.

2-14. Nor does St. Paul himself reason to Gentiles at Athens, Acts

17:16-34, as he does to Jews in his Epistles.]

Containing The Interval Of Sixty-Nine Years.

From The Death Of Herod Till Vespasian Was Sent To Subdue

The Jews By Nero.

CHAPTER 1.

Archelaus Makes A Funeral Feast For The People, On The

Account Of Herod. After Which A Great Tumult Is Raised By

The Multitude And He Sends The Soldiers Out Upon Them, Who

Destroy About Three Thousand Of Them.

1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to

Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for

his father seven days, 1 and had given a very expensive funeral feast to

the multitude, [which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the

Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if any one

omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person,] he put on a white garment,

and went up to the temple, where the people accosted him with various

acclamations. He also spake kindly to the multitude from an elevated

seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they

had shown about his father's funeral, and the submission they had made

to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them

withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority

of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made

lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; for

that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho,

he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals,

not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and

good-will to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given

him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to

appear in all things better than his father.

2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of

what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor

that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off

the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those

that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their

satisfaction, in order to get the good-will of the multitude; after

which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends.

And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations

came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own

account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented

those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the

golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. Nor was this

mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the

mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the

city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their

country, and for the temple. They cried out that a punishment ought to

be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and

that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should

be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and

purity than he was.

3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from

taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of

going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude,

such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to

quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his

general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet.

But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came

into the temple, and before he could say any thing to them. The like

treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of

which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and

these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it

openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but

considerable. And indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was

now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be

celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude

of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood

in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death],

and procured their sustenance by begging, in order to support their

sedition. At this Archelaus was affrighted, and privately sent a

tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease

should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should

constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these

the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the

soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had

much ado to escape so. After which they betook themselves to their

sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to

Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so

he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by

the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain, who,

falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices,

destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude

were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by

Archelaus's heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own

homes, whither they all went, and left the festival.

CHAPTER 2.

Archelaus Goes To Rome With A Great Number Of His Kindred.

He Is There Accused Before Caesar By Antipater; But Is

Superior To His Accusers In Judgment By The Means Of That

Defense Which Nicolaus Made For Him.

1. Archelaus went down now to the sea-side, with his mother and his

friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip,

to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic

affairs. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the

king's brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him

all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession,

but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had

done at the temple.

2. But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria,

met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod's effects; but

Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither, restrained him from

going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest

entreaty of Ptolemy. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus,

neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where

his father's money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still,

until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at

Cesarea; but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone,

when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he

immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when

he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of

the king's private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the

money, and to take possession of the citadels. But the governors of

those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by

Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them

rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.

3. In the mean time, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the

kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named

to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also

promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred, who sailed

along with Archelaus himself also. He also carried along with him his

mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great

weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been

one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly

upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as

advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and

because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. The inclinations

also of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas,

when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather

desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under

a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired

that Antipas might be their king.

4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose by

letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly

commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which

they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar's hands;

and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his

claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father's ring, and his father's

accounts. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had

to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of

the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the

children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he

had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the

principal persons among the Romans together, [in which assembly Caius,

the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted

for his own son, sat in the first seat,] and gave the pleaders leave to

speak.

5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater, [who of all Archelaus's

antagonists was the shrewdest pleader,] and accused him in the following

speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that

in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult

Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not

staid for his determination about the succession, and since he had

suborned certain persons, after Herod's death, to move for putting the

diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and

given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and

granted to some higher dignities; that he had also complied in all

things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their

king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his

father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the

shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to

himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. He

also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only

pretended, while he put on a sad countenance in the day time, but drank

to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late

disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation

thereat. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate

Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which

multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst

of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of

dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that

should come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not

have heaped together. And he added, that it was the foresight his father

had of that his barbarity which made him never give him any hopes of the

kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not

able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of

that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this

was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom

he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was

free from all passion. That, however, if any one should suppose Herod's

judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet

had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his

actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage.

Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the

government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained

it!

6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a

great number of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of

the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead

for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not

be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to

Archelaus's kingdom, only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about

him. He also demonstrated that Archelaus's accusers had advised him

to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he

insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all

others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to

be the person who should confirm the succession; for he who showed such

prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord

of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him

that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for

arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he

chose for his successor.

7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came,

and fell down before Caesar's knees, without any noise;--upon which he

raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly

he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm

determination in his case; but when he had dismissed those assessors

that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the

allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any

of those named in the testaments for Herod's successor, or whether the

government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of

the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom.

CHAPTER 3.

The Jews Fight A Great Battle With Sabinus's Soldiers, And A

Great Destruction Is Made At Jerusalem.

1. Now before Caesar had determined any thing about these affairs,

Malthace, Arehelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were

brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. This was

foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went

up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was

manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those

legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, and went

himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them

an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the

citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the

king's money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by

Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and

used as the instruments of his covetousness. Now when that feast, which

was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost, [i.

e. the 50th day,] was at hand, its name being taken from the number

of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on

account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they

had ['at the present state of affairs']. Wherefore an immense multitude

ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that

was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea

itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the

men. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their

camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at

the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace

on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and

besieged them.

2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude, and at their

courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to

come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be

cut to pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower

of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with

Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made

signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his

astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men.

Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the

temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while

there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard

for them, by their skill, and the others' want of skill, in war; but

when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters,

and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans,

there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge

themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it

more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.

3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these

circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be

admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon

those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame,

and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed

by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw

themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from

the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing

themselves with their own swords; but so many of them as crept out from

the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by

reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the

Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in,

the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and

plundered about four hundred talents, Of which sum Sabinus got together

all that was not carried away by the soldiers.

4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the

men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort,

to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace

round, and threatened to deploy all that were in it, unless they went

their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no

harm, if he would go out with his legion. There were also a great many

of the king's party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet

did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the

men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their

captains, did the same, [Gratus having the foot of the king's party

under him, and Rufus the horse,] each of whom, even without the forces

under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and

wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews in the siege, and

tried to break down walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and

his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to

them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty

which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus indeed was well contented

to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the

Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid

as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had

of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer.

CHAPTER 4.

Herod's Veteran Soldiers Become Tumultuous. The Robberies Of

Judas. Simon And Athronoeus Take The Name Of King Upon Them.

1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that

in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a

great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of

Herod's veteran soldiers got together, and armed and fought against

those of the king's party; against whom Achiabus, the king's first

cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most

strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in

the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas

[the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country,

and had been subdued by king Herod]; this man got no small multitude

together, and brake open the place where the royal armor was laid up,

and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to

gain the dominion.

2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon

the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his

own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had

gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho,

and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily

spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. And he had soon

burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot

of the king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the

most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were slain in the

battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was

flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon

his neck, as he ran away, and brake it. The royal palaces that were

near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the

seditious that came out of Perea.

3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself

up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body

that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised

death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like

himself. He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren,

and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his

incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with

the more important affairs; and at this time he put a diadem about his

head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time

with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans

and those of the king's party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain

could accrue to him thereby. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop

of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion;

his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their

centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest

of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus,

with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. And when these

men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that

through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued;

the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of

Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus,

upon his giving him his right hand for his security. However, this their

end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with

a piratic war.

CHAPTER 5.

Varus Composes The Tumults In Judea And Crucifies About Two

Thousand Of The Seditious.

1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus

and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion

[he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief, and took with

him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them

belonging, and marched to Ptolenlais; having given orders for the

auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to

meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he

passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the

other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the

Arabian, [who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army

of horse and foot,] Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee,

which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their

captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city

Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants; but as for

Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did

not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no

commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain

village which was called Aras. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that

account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at

Herod's friends also. He thence marched on to the village Sampho,

another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the

other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging

to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and blood-shed, and

nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. Emnaus was also

burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of

Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arias.

2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by

the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; they also went away,

and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and

cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that

they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the

multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged

together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. There

had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and

Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the

king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after

their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into

Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the

sea-side. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against

those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught

great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least

concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the

most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand.

3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand

men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like

auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and

did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of

their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own

legions, to march against those that had revolted; but these, by the

advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a

battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent

their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. Now Caesar forgave the

rest, but gave orders that certain of the king's relations [for some of

those that were among them were Herod's kinsmen] should be put to death,

because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family.

When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner,

and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to

Antioch.

CHAPTER 6.

The Jews Greatly Complain Of Archelaus And Desire That They

May Be Made Subject To Roman Governors. But When Caesar Had

Heard What They Had To Say, He Distributed Herod's Dominions

Among His Sons According To His Own Pleasure.

1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at

Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who,

before the revolt, had come, by Varus's permission, to plead for the

liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but

there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported

them. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in

Apollo's 2 temple, that was in the palace, [this was what he had himself

built and adorned, at a vast expense,] the multitude of the Jews stood

with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his

friends; but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither

side; for to stand on Archelaus's side, their hatred to him, and envy at

him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by

Caesar with his accusers. Besides these, there were present Archelaus's

brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by

Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting

to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make

a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might

obtain some share of it.

2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak,

they, in the first place, went over Herod's breaches of their law, and

said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and

that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from

him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that

were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that

were dead happy men; that he had not only tortured the bodies of his

subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his

own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he

shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people that

were out of their bounds; that he had filled the nation full of poverty,

and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws

which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne

more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers

during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out

of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes 3 that, however,

the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships,

that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he

brought them into bitter slavery; that accordingly they readily called

Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the

decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of

Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; while

yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the

genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand

citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God

for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead

bodies at that festival: that, however, those that were left after so

many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities

they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to

receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as

hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion

upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them

to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, and that they would join

their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own

commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are

now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how

to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones.

So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up

Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the

kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and

as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen

of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers.

3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for

that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod's

kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him

king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. But

as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them

to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to

that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Under this

last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but

Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno's

house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made

subject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts

of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter

of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest

of the nation. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz.

Strato's Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the

Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the

kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that

was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. Salome also, besides

what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of

Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her

the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of

sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus.

And for the rest of Herod's offspring, they received what was bequeathed

to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod's

two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and

gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: but after this family

distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by

Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some

inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased.

CHAPTER 7.

The History Of The Spurious Alexander. Archelaus Is Banished

And Glaphyra Dies, After What Was To Happen To Both Of Them

Had Been Showed Them In Dreams.

1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought

up at Sidon with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely pretended,

on account of the resemblance of their countenances, that he was that

Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not

being detected. He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and

who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how

those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them,

and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their

places. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great

deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to

Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great

deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail

along with him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia, [Puteoli,] and got

very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by

his father's friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in

his countenance procured him so much credit, that those who had seen

Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he

was the very same person. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that

were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude

there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried;

for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a

sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper

charges.

2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander's

face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the

fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw the man. However, he

suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with

him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him

to bring the young man to him. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately

discerned a difference in his countenance; and when he had discovered

that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a

slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance. But the impudence of

what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was

asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and

was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would

be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were

separate. Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to

him, "I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that

persuaded thee to forge such stories." So he said that he would discover

him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the

resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more

presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar

laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his

rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that

persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had

been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had

been at on his account.

3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the

Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his

resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them

sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his

government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects

were put into Caesar's treasury. But the report goes, that before he was

sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large,

but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners,

and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it

portended; and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had

another, Simon, one of the sect of Essens, said that he thought the

ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things,

because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That

therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and

after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should

die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was

called to his trial.

4. I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream Glaphyra,

the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first

been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning

whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the

king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related. This

Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and,

after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father.

Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply

in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife,

and married her. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been

there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her,

and that he said to her; "Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have

been sufficient for thee; but thou wast not contented with him, but art

returned again to my family, to a third husband; and him, thou impudent

woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I

shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have

thee again, whether thou wilt or no." Now Glaphyra hardly survived the

narration of this dream of hers two days.

CHAPTER 8.

Archelaus's Ethnarchy Is Reduced Into A [Roman] Province.

The Sedition Of Judas Of Galilee. The Three Sects.

1. And now Archelaus's part of Judea was reduced into a province, and

Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a

procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by

Caesar. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose

name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they

were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would

after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher

of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those

their leaders.

2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers

of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees;

and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called

Essens. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater

affection for one another than the other sects have. These Essens reject

pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over

our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other

persons children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and

esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own

manners. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the

succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the

lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them

preserve their fidelity to one man.

3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as

raises our admiration. Nor is there any one to be found among them who

hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come

to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,--insomuch

that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of

riches, but every one's possessions are intermingled with every other's

possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the

brethren. They think that oil is a defilement; and if any one of them be

anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they

think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in

white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their

common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any,

but what is for the uses of them all.

4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city;

and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies

open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as

they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with

them. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they

travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with

them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where

they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and

to provide garments and other necessaries for them. But the habit and

management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of

their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments or of shoes

till be first torn to pieces, or worn out by time. Nor do they either

buy or sell any thing to one another; but every one of them gives what

he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of

it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital

made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they

please.

5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for

before sun-rising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put

up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as

if they made a supplication for its rising. After this every one of them

are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein

they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the

fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one

place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then

bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over,

they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it

is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after

a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, and

quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in

order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets

it before every one of them; but a priest says grace before meat; and it

is unlawful for any one to taste of the food before grace be said. The

same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when

they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their

food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and

betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; then they

return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any

strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor

or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to

speak in their turn; which silence thus kept in their house appears

to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that

perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of

meat and drink that is allotted them, and that such as is abundantly

sufficient for them.

6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the

injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them

at everyone's own free-will, which are to assist those that want it,

and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford

succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to

bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any

thing to their kindred without the curators. They dispense their anger

after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for

fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is

firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it

worse than perjury 4 for they say that he who cannot be believed without

[swearing by] God is already condemned. They also take great pains in

studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is

most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after

such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers.

7. But now if any one hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not

immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living

which they use for a year, while he continues excluded'; and they give

him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white

garment. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can

observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living,

and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not

even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his

fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be

worthy, they then admit him into their society. And before he is allowed

to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths,

that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then

that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to

any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he

will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; that

he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those

in authority, because no one obtains the government without God's

assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever

abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his

garments, or any other finery; that he will be perpetually a lover of

truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he

will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains;

and that he will neither conceal any thing from those of his own sect,

nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone

should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover, he

swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as

he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will

equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the

angels 5 [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their

proselytes to themselves.

8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out

of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die

after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken,

and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to

partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat

grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; for which

reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp,

out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured

till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment

for the sins they had been guilty of.

9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just,

nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than

a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is

unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name

of their legislator [Moses], whom if any one blaspheme he is punished

capitally. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the

major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of

them will speak while the other nine are against it. They also avoid

spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are

stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the

seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that

they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not

remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. Nay, on

other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle [which kind

of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them]; and

covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront

the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, after

which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even

this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for

this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet

it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a

defilement to them.

10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are

parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the

seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must

wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company

of a foreigner. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them

live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet;

nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe

also. They contemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the

generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their

glory, they esteem it better than living always; and indeed our war with

the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their

trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and

torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment,

that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to

eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of

them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear;

but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who

inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great

alacrity, as expecting to receive them again.

11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that

the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are

immortal, and continue for ever; and that they come out of the most

subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which

they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; but that when they are

set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long

bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the

Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a

region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with

intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle

breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean;

while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of

never-ceasing punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have

followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to

their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods; and to the souls

of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables

relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion,

and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition,

that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue and

dehortations from wickedness collected; whereby good men are bettered

in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their

death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are

restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although

they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal

punishment after their death. These are the Divine doctrines of the

Essens 6 about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have

once had a taste of their philosophy.

12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things

to come, 7 by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of

purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the

prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions.

13. Moreover, there is another order of Essens, 8 who agree with the

rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from

them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they

cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of

succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion,

the whole race of mankind would fail. However, they try their spouses

for three years; and if they find that they have their natural

purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they

then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their

wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not many

out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women

go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with

somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of

Essens.

14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned, the

Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact

explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe

all to fate [or providence], and to God, and yet allow, that to act what

is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although

fate does co-operate in every action. They say that all souls are

incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into

other bodies,--but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal

punishment. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order,

and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in

our doing or not doing what is evil; and they say, that to act what is

good, or what is evil, is at men's own choice, and that the one or the

other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They

also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the

punishments and rewards in Hades. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly

to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the

public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some

degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own

party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is

what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews.

CHAPTER 9.

The Death Of Salome. The Cities Which Herod And Philip

Built. Pilate Occasions Disturbances. Tiberius Puts Agrippa

Into Bonds But Caius Frees Him From Them, And Makes Him

King. Herod Antipas Is Banished.

1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman

province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called

Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own

tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of

Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamriga, as also her plantation of palm

trees that were in Phasaelis. But when the Roman empire was translated

to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had

reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and

Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the

city Cesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas;

as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the

city Tiberius in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was

also called Julias.

2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent

by night those images of Caesar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem.

This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day;

for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as

indications that their laws were trodden under foot; for those laws do

not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides

the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure,

a vast number of people came running out of the country. These came

zealously to Pilate to Cesarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns

out of Jerusalem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable;

but upon Pilate's denial of their request, they fell 9 down prostrate

upon the ground, and continued immovable in that posture for five days

and as many nights.

3. On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribunal, in the open

market-place, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them

an answer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers, that they should all

by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons; so the band

of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were

under the utmost consternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also

said to them that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit

of Caesar's images, and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their

naked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in

vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out

that they were sooner ready to be slain, than that their law should be

transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious

superstition, and gave order that the ensigns should be presently

carried out of Jerusalem.

4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred

treasure which is called Corban 10 upon aqueducts, whereby he brought

water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude

had indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came

about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. Now when he was apprized

aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor

with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the

habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with

their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal

from his tribunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now the Jews were so

sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received,

and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which

means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were

slain, and held their peace.

5. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had

been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius, to accuse Herod the

tetrarch; who not admitting of his accusation, he staid at Rome, and

cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally

with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person.

Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very

complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out

his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might

quickly see him emperor of the world. This was told to Tiberius by

one of Agrippa's domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered

Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six

months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six

months, and three days.

6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds,

and made him king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when

Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious

desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced to hope for the

royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth,

and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar

that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made

Agrippa a king, from a private person, much mole would he advance him

from a tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments prevailed with Herod,

so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by

being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse

him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod

died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him.

CHAPTER 10.

Caius Commands That His Statue Should Be Set Up In The

Temple Itself; And What Petronius Did Thereupon.

1. Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at,

as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and

to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also

extended his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly, he sent Petronius

with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, 11 and

commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should

slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into

captivity: but God concerned himself with these his commands. However,

Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and

many Syrian auxiliaries. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not

believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them

were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror

diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already

come to Ptolemais.

2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great

plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty

furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to

Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that

on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of

the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of

a hundred furlongs. The very small river Belus 12 runs by it, at the

distance of two furlongs; near which there is Menmon's monument, 13 and

hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves

admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand

as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many

ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into

it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more

than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy

sand. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is

superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common

sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.

3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers with their wives and

children into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to

Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves.

So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by

their supplications, and left his army and the statues at Ptolemais, and

then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude

and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the

Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved

that their petition was unreasonable, because while all the nations

in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several

cities, among the rest of their gods, for them alone to oppose it, was

almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar.

4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country,

and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of

God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their

country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, "And am

not I also," said he, "bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I

transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he

that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under

command as well as you." Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that

they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them,

and said to them, "Will you then make war against Caesar?" The Jews

said, "We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman

people;" but that if he would place the images among them, he must first

sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose

themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. At

this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the

inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage

of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed

without success.

5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately,

and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them,

and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of

threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the

anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to

do as he was enjoined]. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and

he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage; [for it

was about seed time that the multitude continued for fifty days together

idle;] so he at last got them together, and told them that it was

best for him to run some hazard himself; "for either, by the Divine

assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the

danger as well as you, which will be matter of joy to us both; or, in

case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own

life for such a great number as you are." Whereupon he dismissed the

multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army

out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from whence he presently sent

an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into

Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a

mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them

to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. Caius

answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius

put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had

commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius's epistle were

tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months,

while others that brought the news of Caius's death had a good voyage.

Accordingly, Petronins received the epistle concerning Caius seven and

twenty days before he received that which was against himself.

CHAPTER 11.

Concerning The Government Of Claudius, And The Reign Of

Agrippa. Concerning The Deaths Of Agrippa And Of Herod And

What Children They Both Left Behind Them.

1. Now when Caius had reigned three years and eight months, and had been

slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at

Rome to take the government upon him; but the senate, upon the reference

of the consuls, Sentis Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders

to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city

quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to

oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they

had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation

under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to

choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it.

2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that

both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time

Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to

him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, perceiving that

Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him, who sent him as

an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were:

that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried

away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to

desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should

do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; for that it was a

dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added further,

that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like

a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honor of being called

emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to

give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature

for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient

demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station.

3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied,

that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side,

they would not endure a voluntary slavery. And when Claudius heard what

answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the

following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them

that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must

fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight;

that, however, [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a

place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to

piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their

own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct.

And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the

senators.

4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew

his sword, and cried out, "O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of

this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our

kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor

whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim

to the government]; and this with regard to those against whom we are

going to fight." When he had said this, he marched through the whole

senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all

the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus

deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they

could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with

the soldiers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck

in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the

walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those

that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know

what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa ran

before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and

that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit

of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account

it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert.

5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery,

and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an

obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their

thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to

the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom

immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been

given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides

these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius. This gift

he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to

have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the

capitol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law,

by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.

6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a

dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but

he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been

brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take

it by siege; but his death, which happened at Cesarea, before he had

raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned

three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years.

He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice,

Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name

was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the

country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator,

and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the

ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquillity. Now after this, Herod the

king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his

brother's daughter Bernice; their names were Bernie Janus and Hyrcanus.

[He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife

Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private

person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter,

whose name was Jotape: and these, as I have formerly said, were

the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod, which Aristobulus and

Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain by him. But as

for Alexander's posterity, they reigned in Armenia.

CHAPTER 12.

Many Tumults Under Cumanus, Which Were Composed By

Quadratus. Felix Is Procurator Of Judea. Agrippa Is Advanced

From Chalcis To A Greater Kingdom.

1 Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa,

the son of Agrippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cumanus took upon

him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province,

and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the

troubles, and the Jews' ruin came on; for when the multitude were come

together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman

cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple, [for they always were

armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which

the multitude thus gathered together might make,] one of the soldiers

pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner,

turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect

upon such a posture. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and

made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while

the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most

tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at

the soldiers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should

make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when

they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very

great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into

the city; and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so

great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till

ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the

cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented their

own relations.

2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from

a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road at Beth-boron, one

Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers

fell upon and seized. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to

the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound,

as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the

thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier,

finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into

the fire. 14 Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole

country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by

their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with

united clamor to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that

he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God,

and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. Accordingly, he,

perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a

comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be

brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to

execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways.

3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the

Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situate in

the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going

up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was

slain; and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee,

in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among

them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became

incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this

murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the

multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed

their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the

petitioners away without success.

4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it

put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without

any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to

Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set

over them, but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and

by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These

men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene

toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages

on fire.

5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste,

out of Cesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled;

he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and

slew more of them. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that

went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem

ran out clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their head, and

begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge

themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come

against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple,

their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of

destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean

only. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed

themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves

to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the

bolder sort happened over the whole country. And the men of power among

the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, 15 the president of

Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be

punished: the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Ananus

the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were

the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had

committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by

his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder.

6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that

when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry

after every circumstance. After which he went to Cesarea, and crucified

all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; and when from thence he was come

to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for

eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that

fight, and beheaded them; but he sent two others of those that were of

the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high

priests, as also Artanus the son of this Ananias, and certain others

that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner

by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. He also ordered that Cumanus

[the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to

give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished

these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the

multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any

tumult, he returned to Antioch.

7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans

had to say, [where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously

espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men

stood by Cumanus,] he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three

of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished

Cumanus, and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the

Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then

beheaded.

8. After this Caesar sent Felix, 16 the brother of Pallas, to be

procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from

Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which

had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis, and

Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province

[Abilene] which Varus had governed. But Claudius himself, when he had

administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty

days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had

adopted by his Wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his successor,

although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by

Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, whom

he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose

name was Antonia.

CHAPTER 13.

Nero Adds Four Cities To Agrippas Kingdom; But The Other

Parts Of Judea Were Under Felix. The Disturbances Which Were

Raised By The Sicarii The Magicians And An Egyptian False

Prophet. The Jews And Syrians Have A Contest At Cesarea.

1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of

the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and

by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after

what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his

barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him;

and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in

the scenes, and upon the theater,--I omit to say any more about them,

because there are writers enough upon those subjects every where; but

I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were

concerned.

2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon

Aristobulus, Herod's son, 17 and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four

cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that

Julias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but

over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. This Felix took Eleazar

the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had

ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome;

but as to the number of the robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and

of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment,

they were a multitude not to be enumerated.

3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of

robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the

day time, and in the midst of the city; this they did chiefly at

the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and

concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those

that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers

became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means

they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means

be discovered. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high

priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men

were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself;

and while every body expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men

were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at

a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst

they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and

guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the

plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance.

4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so

impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which

laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers.

These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense

of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes

of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like

madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that

God would there show them the signals of liberty. But Felix thought this

procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen

and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them.

5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more

mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a

prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by

him; these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which

was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem

by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman

garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the

assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city

with him. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman

soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them,

insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a

few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were

either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were

dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves.

6. Now when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased

body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company

of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt,

and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those

that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that

such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their

desired inclinations; for they parted themselves into different bodies,

and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the

great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire;

and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness.

And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to

a direct war.

7. There was also another disturbance at Cesarea,--those Jews who were

mixed with the Syrians that lived there rising a tumult against them.

The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built

it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its

builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a

Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not

design it for Jews. On which account both parties had a contest with

one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to

arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders

of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were

disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them

to be overcome by the Jews. Now these Jews exceeded the others in

riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage

of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman

garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian

part, they were ready to assist it. However, the governors of the city

were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that

were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes

and bands. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright

the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more

exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. And as Felix came once

into the market-place, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the

Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and

they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew

a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was

plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most

eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their

several privileges.

CHAPTER 14.

Festus Succeeds Felix Who Is Succeeded By Albinus As He Is

By Florus; Who By The Barbarity Of His Government Forces The

Jews Into The War.

1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his

business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he

caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of

them. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office

as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could

be named but he had a hand in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in his

political capacity, steal and plunder every one's substance, nor did he

only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations

of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either

by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem

them for money; and no body remained in the prisons as a malefactor but

he who gave him nothing. At this time it was that the enterprises of

the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men

among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious

practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances

joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; and every one

of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers,

while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among

his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order

to plunder those that lived quietly. The effect of which was this, that

those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they

had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but

those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be

punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the

others. Upon the Whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny

was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which

brought the city to destruction.

2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius

Florus 18 who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most

excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest

part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but

Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous

manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish

condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation;

where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things

of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could any one outdo

him in disguising the truth; nor could any one contrive more subtle ways

of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get

money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined

entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all

the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon

this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they

got. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that

entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the

people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces.

3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of

Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against

Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the

feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number

than three millions 19 these besought him to commiserate the calamities

of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country.

But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words.

However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured

them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in

a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. Florus also conducted him

as far as Cesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the

purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon

them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his

enormities; for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have

the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure

them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to

his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every

day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion.

4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Cesarea had been

too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the

city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began

the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth

of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar.] Now the

occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy

calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea

had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean

Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the

possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its

price; but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise

other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made

working-shops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as

was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon

the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and

forbade them to build there; but as Florus would not permit them to use

force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the

utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight

talents, to hinder the work. He then, being intent upon nothing but

getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him,

and then went away from Cesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to

take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight

it out.

5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the

Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Cesarea,

of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom

upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This

thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were

affronted, and the place was polluted. Whereupon the sober and moderate

part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors

again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their

youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditions also among the

Gentiles of Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by

agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support

him;] so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of

the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took

away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition;

but when 20 he was overcome by the violence of the people of Cesarea,

the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which

was a place to them belonging, distant from Cesarea sixty furlongs.

But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to

Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought

him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the

eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon, and

put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of

Cesarea.

6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this

matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted

herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and

sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and

pretended that Caesar wanted them. At this the people were in confusion

immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors,

and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the

tyranny of Florus. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and

cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and

begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of

possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed

hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get

still more; and instead of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have done,

and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so

taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was

that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily

with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might

gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and

by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection.

7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt,

and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order

to receive him very submissively. But he sent Capito, a centurion,

beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make

a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully

reproached before; and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they

had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his

face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with

their weapons also. With this message was the multitude amazed; and

upon the coming of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them, they were

dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive

behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and

spent that night in fear and confusion of face.

8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on

the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when

the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest

eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; upon which Florus

commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and

told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them

belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated

that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for

those that had spoken amiss; for that it was no wonder at all that in

so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to

be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was

impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every

one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what

would follow: that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the

nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the

Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to

forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked

to put so large and good a body of men into disorder.

9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the

soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to

slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of

their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not

only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into

every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the citizens fled along

the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and

no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet

people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with

stripes, and then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that

were destroyed that day, with their wives and children, [for they did

not spare even the infants themselves,] was about three thousand and six

hundred. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method

of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done

before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped 21 and

nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by

birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding.

CHAPTER 15.

Concerning Bernice's Petition To Florus, To Spare The Jews,

But In Vain; As Also How, After The Seditious Flame Was

Quenched, It Was Kindled Again By Florus.

1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to

congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt

from Nero; but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the

wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and

frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and

begged of him to leave off these slaughters; but he would not comply

with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those

already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to

the advantage he should make by this plundering; nay, this violence of

the soldiers brake out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself

on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those

whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself

also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had

staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear

of an insult from the soldiers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in

order to perform a vow 22 which she had made to God; for it is usual

with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any

other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to

offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of

their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot

before Florus's tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet

could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape

without some danger of being slain herself.

2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar].

Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran

together to the Upper Market-place, and made the loudest lamentations

for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were

such as reflected on Florus; at which the men of power were affrighted,

together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down

before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke

Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already

suffered. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of

reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they

had that Florus would do them no more injuries.

3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and

endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests,

with the other eminent persons, and said the only demonstration that the

people would not make any other innovations should be this, that they

must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Cesarea,

whence two cohorts were coming; and while these men were exhorting

the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the

centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that

were under them not to return the Jews' salutations; and that if they

made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their

weapons. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and

desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very

civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now

the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the

consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to

those that were the boldest for action.

4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God,

brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they

used to minister in sacred things. The harpers also, and the singers of

hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before

the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy

ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred

treasures. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with

dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of

any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent

men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a

small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have

it laid waste; saying, "What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to

have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will

it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? and that if they

saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin

a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all

further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great

want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious

persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to

force the others to act soberly."

5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the

seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the

reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met

the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were

come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer,

the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for

falling upon them. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently,

and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen

trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes

of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another.

Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while every

body was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was

retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell

down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of

those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by

his relations in order to the care of his funeral; the soldiers also who

beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any

mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha, 23 as

they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and

the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into

his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king's palace,

and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia;]

but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him,

and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops

of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were

sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they

were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up

the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace.

6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come

again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got

immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia,

and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he

was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that

account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters

were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high

priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that he was indeed himself

going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison

as they should desire. Hereupon they promised that they would make no

innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which

had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill-will against

that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed

the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to

Cesarea.

CHAPTER 16.

Cestius Sends Neopolitanus The Tribune To See In What

Condition The Affairs Of The Jews Were. Agrippa Makes A

Speech To The People Of The Jews That He May Divert Them

From Their Intentions Of Making War With The Romans.

1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin

the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting

[from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former

fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that

disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the

governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves

write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of

which Florus had been guilty against the city; who, upon reading both

accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some

of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to

punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a

surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought

it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to

see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the

intentions of the Jews. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose

name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning

from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and

on what errands he was sent.

2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the

Jews, as well as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the king [upon his

safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented

their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment

they had met with from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa had great

indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards

those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high

thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had

not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging

themselves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the

rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had,

understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended

for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of

Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; but the

wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and

lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into

lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also

cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had

endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the

city, how the market-place was made desolate, and the houses plundered.

They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would

walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he

might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the

Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding

barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience

of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple,

where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for

their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the

peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple

as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.

3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to

the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to

send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford

a suspicion that they had been the occasions of such great slaughters

as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they

should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not

prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; and it appeared

openly that they would not be quiet, if any body should hinder them

from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it

too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of

Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as

they were in a disposition for war. He therefore called the multitude

together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the

house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them, [which house

was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge

joined the temple to the gallery,] and spake to them as follows:

4.24 "Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war

with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people

did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been

so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade

men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are

agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war

because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it

brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation

of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and

are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your

affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist

them, I have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to

you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow

wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm

by the ill conduct of some others. And let not any one be tumultuous

against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them; for as

to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it

will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my

exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground,

even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless

you will all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical

exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your

procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but

before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who

they are against whom you must fight, I shall first separate those

pretenses that are by some connected together; for if you aim at

avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you

pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think

all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaint against

your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it

would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider

now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is

for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have

to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive

to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; but when

you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you

reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off

hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what

you have waste openly. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as

bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured

diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for

granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably

severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath

Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not

by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who

are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it

easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. Now it is

absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one, to do so with

such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not

able to know of what you complain: nay, such crimes as we complain of

may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue

for ever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more

moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not

easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith.

However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable

to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in

old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of

slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never

have been subject to it would have been just; but that slave who hath

been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a

refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper

time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted

the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country.

But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much

better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies,

and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman

army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from

one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who

first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire

empire of the Romans. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve

the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued

Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon

the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an

army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive

in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia at the Lesser

Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those

injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal

governing city of Greece. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great

victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king],

and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same

lords. Those Macedonians also, who still fancy what great men their

Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them

the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their

obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. Moreover,

ten thousand ether nations there are who had greater reason than we to

claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people

who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world

hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms

you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman

seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your

undertakings? Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with

the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect

upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not

your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the

power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth?

nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates

is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube

on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched

over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit

on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth

beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British

islands as were never known before. What therefore do you pretend to?

Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than

the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What

confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? Perhaps it will

be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this

to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the

sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to

six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians,

who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. What is

the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single

governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the

Henlochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the

Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who formerly

knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three

thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace,

which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? How strong a plea

may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians,

and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without

an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country

extends in breadth five days' journey, and in length seven, and is of a

much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and

by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking

them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? Are

not the Illyrlans, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia

and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a

stop to the incursions of the Daeians. And for the Dalmatians, who have

made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and

who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always

gathered their forces together again, revolted, yet are they now very

quiet under one Roman legion. Moreover, great advantages might provoke

any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so

thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the

north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and

on the west by the ocean. Now although these Gauls have such obstacles

before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than

three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say,

the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out

plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear

to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition

from them; and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate

minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war

of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of

the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good

fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls,

therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are

hardly so many as are their cities; nor hath the gold dug out of the

mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve

their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land

and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and

Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was

terrible to the ancient inhabitants. Nay, the Romans have extended their

arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds,

upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one

legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so

hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. Who is

there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans?

You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and

that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives every

where; yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have

minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and

who are in rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the

boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions.

Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest

of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you

also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the

Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, an subdued them while

they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not

less than the [continent of this] habitable earth; and four legions are

a sufficient guard to so large an island And why should I speak much

more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body

of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty

forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please,

even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of

peace, submitting to serve them. Now when almost all people under the

sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war

against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians,

who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility

of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. Nor indeed

have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridite,

a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of

water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear

it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the

Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. And as for the

third part of the habitable earth, [Africa,] whose nations are so many

that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic

Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude

of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued

entirely. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain

the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and

above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to

the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such

injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion

that abides among them. And indeed what occasion is there for showing

you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to

learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? This country is extended as

far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it

hath seven millions five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants

of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet

it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath

Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of

people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, its length being

thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more

tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides

what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four

months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by

almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers,

or by lakes; yet have none of these things been found too strong for

the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a

bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited

by the more noble Macedonians. Where then are those people whom you are

to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world

that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under

the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the

Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in

Adiabene will come to your assistance; but certainly these will not

embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should

follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do; for

it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the

Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covenants between them,

if any under their government march against the Romans. What remains,

therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but

this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so

vast an empire should be settled without God's providence. Reflect upon

it, how impossible it is for your zealous observations of your religious

customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when

you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you

then most of all hope for God's assistance, when, by being forced to

transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? and if you

do observe the custom of the sabbath days, and will not be revealed

on to do any thing thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your

forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on

which the besieged rested. But if in time of war you transgress the law

of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go

to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of

your forefathers; and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you

are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now all men that go

to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but

since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that

are for going to war choose evident destruction. What hinders you from

slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this

most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will,

however, escape the reproach of being beaten. But it were best, O

my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to

foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into

the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into

great misfortunes without fore-seeing them; but for him who rushes

into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration].

But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by

agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they

will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to

other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole

nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to

find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their

lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, the

danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of

them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the

habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, whom your

enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and

so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for

the sake of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if

that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to

take arms against those that are so kind to you. Have pity, therefore,

if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and

its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with

its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under

their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former

abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. I call to witness

your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common

to us all, that I have not kept back any thing that is for your

preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do,

you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if

you indulge four passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be

free from."

5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by

their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but

still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but

against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. To

which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as

make war against the Romans; "for you have not paid the tribute which is

due to Caesar 25 and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from

joining to the tower Antonia. You will therefore prevent any occasion

of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but

pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are

you to pay the tribute money to Florus."

CHAPTER 17.

How The War Of The Jews With The Romans Began, And

Concerning Manahem.

1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with

the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers

also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected

the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum

that was deficient. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war

which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude

to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they

were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and

got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the

impudence to throw stones at him. So when the king saw that the violence

of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being

very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers,

together with their men of power, to Florus, to Cesarea, that he might

appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while

he retired into his own kingdom.

2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited

the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called

Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there,

and put others of their own party to keep it. At the same time Eleazar,

the son of Ananias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that

time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the

Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner.

And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they

rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; and when many of the

high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice,

which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would

not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the

most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the

chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple.

3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high

priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all

was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took

counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what

they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people

before the brazen gate, which was that gate of the inner temple [court

of the priests] which looked toward the sun-rising. And, in the first

place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a

revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after

which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that

their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations

bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been

presented to them from foreign nations; and that they had been so

far from rejecting any person's sacrifice [which would be the highest

instance of impiety,] that they had themselves placed those donation

about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so

long a time; that they did now irritate the Romans to take arms against

them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules

of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of

having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any

foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein.

And if such a law should be introduced in the case of a single private

person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of

inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the

Romans or to Caesar, and forbid even their oblations to be received

also; that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their

sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this

city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and

restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury [they

have offered foreigners] before the report of it comes to the ears of

those that have been injured.

4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were

skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all

their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But

still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay,

those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine

service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. So the men of

power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and

that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them

first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some

to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Ananias; and others

to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and

Costobarus, who were of the king's kindred; and they desired of them

both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut off the

seditious before it should be too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible

message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a

war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. But Agrippa was

equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against

whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for

the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also

sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances

should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance

of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these

under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus,

the general of his army.

5. Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all the

part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took courage, and

seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion;] for the seditious part had the

lower city and the temple in their power; so they made use of stones and

slings perpetually against one another, and threw darts continually

on both sides; and sometimes it happened that they made incursions

by troops, and fought it out hand to hand, while the seditious were

superior in boldness, but the king's soldiers in skill. These last

strove chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who

profaned it; as did the seditious, with Eleazar, besides what they

had already, labor to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual

slaughters on both sides for seven days' time; but neither side would

yield up the parts they had seized on.

6. Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory; upon which the custom

was for every one to bring wood for the altar [that there might never be

a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning].

Upon that day they excluded the opposite party from the observation of

this part of religion. And when they had joined to themselves many of

the Sicarii, who crowded in among the weaker people, [that was the name

for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae,] they

grew bolder, and carried their undertaking further; insomuch that the

king's soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness; and

so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The

others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high priest, and to the

palaces of Agrippa and Bernice; after which they carried the fire to

the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the

contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their

obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to

gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might

persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety

against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and

the rest set fire to them. And when they had thus burnt down the nerves

of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men

of power, and of the high priests, went into the vaults under ground,

and concealed themselves, while others fled with the king's soldiers

to the upper palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were

Ananias the high priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to

Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had

gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no further.

7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,]

they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was

in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the

citadel on fire; after which they marched to the palace, whither the

king's soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four bodies, and

made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no one

had the courage to sally out, because those that assaulted them were

so numerous; but they distributed themselves into the breast-works and

turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell

under the walls; nor did they cease to fight one with another either by

night or by day, while the seditious supposed that those within would

grow weary for want of food, and those without supposed the others would

do the like by the tediousness of the siege.

8. In the mean time, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the

Galilean, [who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached

the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the

Romans,] took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada,

where he broke open king Herod's armory, and gave arms not only to his

own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard,

and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader

of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; but they

wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the

wall, because the darts came down upon them from above. But still they

dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers, and made it

totter; and having done that, they set on fire what was combustible, and

left it; and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down

suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built

within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were

doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so they

provided themselves of another fortification; which when the besiegers

unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place,

they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent

to Manahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired

they might go out upon a capitulation: this was granted to the king's

soldiers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; but

the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not

able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire them to

give them their right hand for their security, they thought it would be

a reproach to them; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst

not depend upon it; so they deserted their camp, as easily taken,

and ran away to the royal towers,--that called Hippicus, that called

Phasaelus, and that called Mariamne. But Manahem and his party fell upon

the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as

they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what

they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on

the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].

9. But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed

himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Hezekiah his

brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and

kept them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers should escape. Now the

overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest

Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and

as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs

with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; but Eleazar

and his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not proper

when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to

betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord,

who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than

themselves; as also, that in case they were obliged to set some one over

their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to

any one rather than to him; they made an assault upon him in the temple;

for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned

with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armor. But

Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of

the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them

at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire

sedition would fall to the ground. Now Manahem and his party made

resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude

were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able; those

that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched

for. A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among

whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was of kin to Manahem, and

acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for Manahem himself,

he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in

private; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all; they

then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all slew him,

as they did by those that were captains under him also, and particularly

by the principal instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom.

10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while they

hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious practices; but

the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to

prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. It is

true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave

off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it

forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to

Eleazar, and desired that they would give them security to spare their

lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had

with them. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them

Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas,

the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of their

right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his

soldiers; which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with

by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but

as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid

down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion

of any harm, but were going away, Eleazar's men attacked them after a

violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they

neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out

upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. And

thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for

when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and

be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the

Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an

immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews' own

destruction, while men made public lamentation when they saw that such

occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city

was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but

reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape

revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and

every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance,

as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the

seditious; for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on

the sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works

on account of Divine worship.

CHAPTER 18.

The Calamities And Slaughters That Came Upon The Jews.

1. Now the people of Cesarea had slain the Jews that were among them

on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which

one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence;

insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty thousand Jews were killed,

and all Cesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught

such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which

stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the whole nation was greatly

enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste

the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia,

and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis, and after them

Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they

destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then went to Kedasa,

belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Cesarea;

nor was either Sebaste [Samaria] or Askelon able to oppose the violence

with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the

ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the

villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and

an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them.

2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of

the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their

cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly,

but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; so that the

disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into

two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the

one party was in the destruction of the other; so the day time was spent

in shedding of blood, and the night in fear, which was of the two the

more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews,

they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care

to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they

greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were

certainly foreigners. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to

kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild

and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of

the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their

own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was

esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed

over the greatest number of his enemies. It was then common to see

cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old

men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women

also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you

might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities,

while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened

was every where greater than what had been already perpetrated.

3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but

when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jew that acted as

enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis,

and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought

against their own countrymen; nay, their alacrity was so very great,

that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore,

lest they should make an assault upon the city in the night time, and,

to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves

to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them,

that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their

fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of

the city, with their families to a neighboring grove; and when they had

done as they were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of

Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be

secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut

all their throats, some as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay

asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then

they plundered them of all that they had.

4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of

one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished

from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his

conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his

countrymen; for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of

Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself

alone the cause of his army's conquering. But a just punishment overtook

him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with

him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the

grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he

saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out

after a very moving manner, and said, "O you people of Scythopolis, I

deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave

you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those

that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the

perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner

against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am,

by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our

enemies; and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great

crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one

of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me,

and no one may insult upon me as I fall." Now when he had said this, he

looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration and

of rage [that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged

parents]; so, in the first place, he caught his father by his grey

hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to

his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like

to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his

sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; so when he

had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen

by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be

observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This

young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and

the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his

fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly.

5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against

the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five

hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into

bonds; those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a

greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of

Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews,

but kept those of whom they were afraid in custody; as did the rest of

the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or

were afraid of them; only the Antiochtans the Sidontans, and Apamians

spared those that dwelt with them, and would not endure either to kill

any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them,

because their own number was so great that they despised their

attempts. But I think the greatest part of this favor was owing to their

commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. As for the

Gerasans, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those

who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders

reached.

6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom; for

he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one

of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public

affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus. 26 Now there came

certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most

considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people;

these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult

should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain

such as might rise up against them. This Noarus sent out some of the

king's armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold

action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such

a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen,

though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he

treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa

was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out

of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship

immediately. But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which

was called Cypros, and was above Jericho, and cut the throats of the

garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications. This was about

the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at Machaerus

persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place, and

deliver it up to them. These Romans being in great fear, lest the place

should be taken by force, made an agreement with them to depart upon

certain conditions; and when they had obtained the security they

desired, they delivered up the citadel, into which the people of

Machaerus put a garrison for their own security, and held it in their

own power.

7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against

the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the

Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against

the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them

equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; which

honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set

apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being

polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with

foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that

they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession

of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor any one that came after him,

thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the

Jews. But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and

although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did

the sedition grow worse; but at this time especially, when there were

tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a

greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to

deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number

of Jews came flocking to the theater; but when their adversaries saw

them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and

said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid

violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they

ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them

along, in order to have them burnt alive; but all the Jews came in a

body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but

after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater,

and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they

had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had

restrained their passions. However, this man did not begin to teach them

wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men,

and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman

army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of

Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing.

8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not

be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out

upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together

with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come

together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted

not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set

fire to their houses. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of

the city that was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together,

and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own

side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best

armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great

while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully;

and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open

field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first

plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans;

wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the

aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, till

all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them

lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not

be-taken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their

condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; accordingly,

these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first

intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to

the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing

to make them leave their dead bodies.

9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the

Jews at Alexandria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still,

while the Jews were everywhere up in arms; so he took out of Antioch

the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two

thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen,

besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which

Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with

as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one

thousand horsemen; Sohemus also followed with four thousand, a third

part whereof were horsemen, but most part were archers, and thus did

he march to Ptolemais. There were also great numbers of auxiliaries

gathered together from the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same

skill in martial affairs, but made up in their alacrity and in their

hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with

Cestius Agrippa himself, both as a guide in his march over the country,

and a director what was fit to be done; so Cestius took part of his

forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee, which

was called the City of Men, and divides the country of Ptolemais from

our nation; this he found deserted by its men, the multitude having fled

to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things; those he gave

leave to the soldiers to plunder, and set fire to the city, although it

was of admirable beauty, and had its houses built like those in Tyre,

and Sidon, and Berytus. After this he overran all the country, and

seized upon whatsoever came in his way, and set fire to the villages

that were round about them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But when the

Syrians, and especially those of Berytus, were busy in plundering,

the Jews pulled up their courage again, for they knew that Cestius was

retired, and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly, and

destroyed about two thousand of them. 27

10. And now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea;

but he sent part of his army before him to Joppa, and gave order, that

if they could take that city [by surprise] they should keep it; but that

in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them,

that they then should stay for him, and for the rest of the army. So

some of them made a brisk march by the sea-side, and some by land, and

so coming upon them on both sides, they took the city with ease; and as

the inhabitants had made no provision beforehand for a flight, nor had

gotten any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them, and

slew them all, with their families, and then plundered and burnt the

city. The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. In

like manner, Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the

toparchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Cesarea, who destroyed the

country, and slew a great multitude of its people; they also plundered

what they had, and burnt their villages.

11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into

Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed

sufficient to subdue that nation. He was received by the strongest city

of Galilee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of joy; which wise

conduct of that city occasioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet;

while the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain

which lies in the very middle of Galilee, and is situated over against

Sepphoris; it is called Asamon. So Gallus brought his forces against

them; but while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans,

they easily threw their darts upon the Romans, as they made their

approaches, and slew about two hundred of them. But when the Romans had

gone round the mountains, and were gotten into the parts above their

enemies, the others were soon beaten; nor could they who had only light

armor on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over; nor

when they were beaten could they escape the enemies' horsemen; insomuch

that only some few concealed themselves in certain places hard to be

come at, among the mountains, while the rest, above two thousand in

number, were slain.

CHAPTER 19.

What Cestius Did Against The Jews; And How, Upon His

Besieging Jerusalem, He Retreated From The City Without Any

Just Occasion In The World. As Also What Severe Calamities

He Under Went From The Jews In His Retreat.

1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation

in Galilee, returned with his army to Cesarea: but Cestius removed with

his whole army, and marched to Antipatris; and when he was informed that

there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain

tower called Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them; but this party

dispersed the Jews by affrighting them before it came to a battle: so

they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as well

as the villages that lay about it. But when Cestius had marched from

Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole

multitude 28 were gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of tabernacles;

yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the

city, and so marched forwards; and ascending by Betboron, he pitched

his camp at a certain place called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from

Jerusalem.

2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their

metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms;

and taking courage greatly from their multitude, went in a sudden and

disorderly manner to the fight, with a great noise, and without any

consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath

29 was the day to which they had the greatest regard; but that rage

which made them forget the religious observation [of the sabbath]

made them too hard for their enemies in the fight: with such violence

therefore did they fall upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks,

and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they

went, insomuch that unless the horsemen, and such part of the footmen as

were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succored that

part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius, with his whole army,

had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were

slain, of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horsemen,

while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of whom the most valiant were the

kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus

and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of

Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had

formerly served in his army. When the front of the Jewish army had been

cut off, the Jews retired into the city; but still Simon, the son of

Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans, as they were ascending up

Bethoron, and put the hindmost of the army into disorder, and carried

off many of the beasts that carried the weapons of war, and led Shem

into the city. But as Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews seized

upon the elevated parts of the city, and set watches at the entrances

into the city, and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the

Romans should begin to march.

3. And now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans

were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multitude of their

enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try

what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either

persuade them all to desist from fighting, or, however, that he should

cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite

party. So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the persons of his party that were

the best known to them, and promised them that Cestius should give them

his right hand, to secure them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of what

they had done amiss, if they would throw away their arms, and come over

to them; but the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude, in

hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved

immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors; accordingly they

slew Phebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded, and so

prevented his fate by flying away. And when the people were very angry

at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and drove

them before them into the city.

4. But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun

among the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took

his whole army along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued

them to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called

Scopus, [or watch-tower,] which was distant seven furlongs from

the city; yet did not he assault them in three days' time, out of

expectation that those within might perhaps yield a little; and in the

mean time he sent out a great many of his soldiers into neighboring

villages, to seize upon their corn. And on the fourth day, which was the

thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] when he had put his army

in array, he brought it into the city. Now for the people, they were

kept under by the seditious; but the seditious themselves were greatly

affrighted at the good order of the Romans, and retired from the

suburbs, and retreated into the inner part of the city, and into the

temple. But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called

Bezetha, which is called Cenopolis, [or the new city,] on fire; as he

did also to the timber market; after which he came into the upper city,

and pitched his camp over against the royal palace; and had he but at

this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won

the city presently, and the war had been put an end to at once; but

Tyrannius Priseus, the muster-master of the army, and a great number of

the officers of the horse, had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted

him from that his attempt; and that was the occasion that this war

lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in such

incurable calamities.

5. In the mean time, many of the principal men of the city were

persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the

city, and were about to open the gates for him; but he overlooked this

offer, partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly because he did

not thoroughly believe they were in earnest; whence it was that he