Herodotus — The Histories

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

By Herodotus

Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay

IN TWO VOLUMES

VOLUME I.

{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois

sunedomene, tois de kakois sunalgousa}.—Dion. Halic.

{monos 'Erodotos 'Omerikhotatos egeneto}.—Longinus.

PREPARER'S NOTE

This text was prepared from an edition dated 1890, published by

MacMillan and Co., London and New York.

Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in

the opening citation above.

PREFACE

If a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself, it will

hardly be justified in a preface; therefore the question whether it was

needed may be left here without discussion. The aim of the translator

has been above all things faithfulness—faithfulness to the manner of

expression and to the structure of sentences, as well as to the meaning

of the Author. At the same time it is conceived that the freedom and

variety of Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe

consistency of rendering as is perhaps desirable in the case of the Epic

writers before and the philosophical writers after his time: nor again

must his simplicity of thought and occasional quaintness be reproduced

in the form of archaisms of language; and that not only because the

affectation of an archaic style would necessarily be offensive to the

reader, but also because in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style

is the "best canon of the Ionic speech," marked, however, not so much

by primitive purity as by eclectic variety. At the same time it is

characterised largely by the poetic diction of the Epic and Tragic

writers; and while the translator is free to employ all the resources of

modern English, so far as he has them at his command, he must carefully

retain this poetical colouring and by all means avoid the courtier

phrase by which the style of Herodotus has too often been made "more

noble." 331

As regards the text from which this translation has been made, it is

based upon that of Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that

is to say the estimate there made of the comparative value of the

authorities has been on the whole accepted as a just one, rather than

that which depreciates the value of the Medicean MS. and of the class to

which it belongs. On the other hand the conjectural emendations proposed

by Stein have very seldom been adopted, and his text has been departed

from in a large number of other instances also, which will for the most

part be found recorded in the notes.

As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation of the Medicean MS.

there were doubts felt by some scholars 332 as to the true reading in

some places of this MS., which is very generally acknowledged to be the

most important, I thought it right to examine it myself in all those

passages where questions about text arise which concern a translator,

that is in nearly five hundred places altogether; and the results, when

they are worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the same time,

by the suggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated a large part of the third

book in the MS. which is commonly referred to as F (i.e. Florentinus),

called by Stein C, and I examined this MS. also in a certain number

of other places. It should be understood that wherever in the notes I

mention the reading of any particular MS. by name, I do so on my own

authority.

The notes have been confined to a tolerably small compass. Their purpose

is, first, in cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate the

reading adopted by the translator and any other which may seem to have

reasonable probability, but without discussion of the authorities;

secondly, where the rendering is not quite literal (and in other cases

where it seemed desirable), to quote the words of the original or to

give a more literal version; thirdly, to add an alternative version

in cases where there seems to be a doubt as to the true meaning; and

lastly, to give occasionally a short explanation, or a reference from

one passage of the author to another.

For the orthography of proper names reference may be made to the note

prefixed to the index. No consistent system has been adopted, and the

result will therefore be open to criticism in many details; but the aim

has been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry of seriously altering the

form of those names which are fairly established in the English language

of literature, as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the

other hand the absurdity of looking to Latin rather than to Greek for

the orthography of the names which are not so established. There is no

intention to put forward any theory about pronunciation.

The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be found more complete

and accurate than those hitherto published. The best with which I was

acquainted I found to have so many errors and omissions 333 that I was

compelled to do the work again from the beginning. In a collection

of more than ten thousand references there must in all probability be

mistakes, but I trust they will be found to be few.

My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to Dr. Stein, both for

his critical work and also for his most excellent commentary, which I

have had always by me. After this I have made most use of the editions

of Krüger, Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first two books) Mr. Woods. As to

translations, I have had Rawlinson's before me while revising my own

work, and I have referred also occasionally to the translations of

Littlebury (perhaps the best English version as regards style, but full

of gross errors), Taylor, and Larcher. In the second book I have also

used the version of B. R. reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first book of

this translation I have access only to a fragment written out some

years ago, when the British Museum was within my reach. Other particular

obligations are acknowledged in the notes.

—————

NOTES TO PREFACE

331 [ See the remarks of P.-L. Courier (on Larcher's version) in the

preface to his specimens of a new translation of Herodotus (OEuvres

complètes de P.-L. Courier, Bruxelles, 1828).]

332 [ Mr. Woods, for example, in his edition of the first book

(published in 1873) gives a list of readings for the first and second

books, in which he almost invariably prefers the authority of Gronovius

to that of Stein, where their reports differ. In so doing he is wrong

in all cases (I think) except one, namely i. 134 {to degomeno}. He is

wrong, for examine, in i. 189, where the MS. has {touto}, i. 196 {an

agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15 {te de}, ii. 95 {up auto}, ii. 103 {kai

prosotata}, ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii. 181 {no}. Abicht also

has made several inaccurate statements, e.g. i. 185, where the MS. has

{es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]

333 [ For example in the index of proper names attached to Stein's

annotated edition (Berlin, 1882), to which I am under obligation, having

checked my own by it, I find that I have marked upwards of two hundred

mistakes or oversights: no doubt I have been saved by it from at least

as many.]

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO

This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos,

to the end that 1 neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse

of time, nor the works 2 great and marvellous, which have been produced

some by Hellenes and some by Barbarians, may lose their renown; and

especially that the causes may be remembered for which these waged war

with one another.

1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that

the Phenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that

which is called the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having settled

in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves

forthwith to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of

Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; now

Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that

land which is now called Hellas;—the Phenicians arrived then at this

land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo: and on the

fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been

almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women,

and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes

also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the

stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as pleased them most,

when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word from one to another,

made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by

flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on

board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.

2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not

agreeing therein with the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the first

beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain Hellenes (but

the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city

of Tyre in Phenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa;—these

would doubtless be Cretans;—and so they were quits for the former

injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of

the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river

Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the

other business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter

Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and

demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but

they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for

the rape of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to

the Barbarians for this.

3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of

Priam, having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself

by violence 4 from Hellas, being fully assured that he would not be

compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the

Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the

Hellenes resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with

satisfaction for the rape; and when they put forth this demand, the

others alleged to them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were

now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they

had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when demand was

made.

4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying

away of women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very

greatly to blame; for they set the first example of war, making an

expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. Now

they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to

carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one's heart on taking

vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to pay no regard when

they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be

carried away if they were not themselves willing to go. And the Persians

say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried

away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Hellenes on

account of a woman of Lacedemon gathered together a great armament, and

then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from

this time forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be

their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which dwell there the

Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Hellenic race

they consider to be parted off from them.

5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they

conclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on

account of the taking of Ilion: but as regards Io the Phenicians do not

agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny that

they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the

other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master

of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed

to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the

Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. These are the

tales told by the Persians and the Phenicians severally: and concerning

these things I am not going to say that they happened thus or thus, 401

but when I have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge

began to commit wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go forward further

with the story, giving an account of the cities of men, small as well

as great: for those which in old times were great have for the most part

become small, while those that were in my own time great used in former

times to be small: so then, since I know that human prosperity never

continues steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently.

6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the

nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river,

flowing from the South between the Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, runs

out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine.

This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge,

subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while

others he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued

were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and

those whom he made his friends were the Lacedemonians. But before the

reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free; for the expedition of the

Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus, was not a

conquest of the cities but a plundering incursion only. 6

7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to the

family of Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner:—Candaules,

whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of

Alcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos,

the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai who became king of

Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last; but those who were

kings over this land before Agron, were descendants of Lydos the son

of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been before

called Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and

the slave-girl of Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged

with it by reason of an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty

generations of men, five hundred and five years, handing on the power

from father to son, till the time of Candaules the son of Myrsos.

8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in love

with his own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife was

fairer by far than all other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son

of Daskylos (for he of all his spearmen was the most pleasing to him),

to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the more weighty of his

affairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure: and

after no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen to

Candaules, he said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I think that thou dost

not believe me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it

happens that men's ears are less apt of belief than their eyes: contrive

therefore means by which thou mayest look upon her naked." But he cried

aloud and said: "Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost

utter, bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off

her tunic she puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair

sayings have been found out by men, from which we ought to learn wisdom;

and of these one is this,—that each man should look on his own: but I

believe indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat thee

not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do."

9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might

come to him from this; but the king answered him thus: "Be of good

courage, Gyges, and have no fear, either of me, that I am saying these

words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any harm may happen to thee from

her. For I will contrive it so from the first that she shall not even

perceive that she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room

where we sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after I have gone in, my

wife also will come to lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance

of the room, and upon this she will lay her garments as she takes

them off one by one; and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her at full

leisure. And when she goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be

behind her back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee

not as thou goest through the door."

10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules,

when he considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber;

and straightway after this the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked

upon her after she came in and as she laid down her garments; and when

she had her back turned towards him, as she went to the bed, then he

slipped away from his hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went

out, the woman caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been

done by her husband she did not cry out, though struck with shame, 8 but

she made as though she had not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge

herself upon Candaules: for among the Lydians as also among most other

Barbarians it is a shame even for a man to be seen naked.

11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward

sign; but as soon as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the

servants whom she perceived to be the most attached to herself, and

after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing that

anything of that which had been done was known to her, came upon her

summons; for he had been accustomed before to go 9 whenever the queen

summoned him. And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these

words: "There are now two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the

choice which of the two thou wilt prefer to take. Either thou must slay

Candaules and possess both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or thou must

thyself here on the spot be slain, so that thou mayest not in future,

by obeying Candaules in all things, see that which thou shouldest not.

Either he must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked upon

me naked and done that which is not accounted lawful." For a time then

Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwards he began to entreat her

that she would not bind him by necessity to make such a choice: then

however, as he could not prevail with her, but saw that necessity was in

truth set before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by

others, he made the choice to live himself; and he inquired further as

follows: "Since thou dost compel me to take my master's life against

my own will, let me hear from thee also what is the manner in which we

shall lay hands upon him." And she answering said: "From that same place

shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked; and we will lay hands

upon him as he sleeps."

12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gyges

was not let go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must

either be slain himself or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to the

bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that very

same door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges came

privily up to him 10 and slew him, and he obtained both his wife and his

kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that

time, made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. 11

13. He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means

of the Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the

fate of Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between the

followers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that if the

Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the Lydians, he

should be king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons of

Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became

king: yet the Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for

the Heracleidai should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifth

generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made no account

until it was in fact fulfilled.

14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having driven out from it

the Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings to

Delphi not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are more

in number than those of any other man; and besides the silver he offered

a vast quantity of gold, and especially one offering which is more

worthy of mention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which

are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents,

and they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this

treasury does not belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that

of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). 12 This Gyges was the first of the

Barbarians within our knowledge who dedicated votive offerings at

Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who

dedicated for an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to

decide causes; and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the

same place with the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver which Gyges

dedicated is called Gygian by the people of Delphi, after the name of

him who offered it.

Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army against

Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but no

other great deed did he do in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirty

years, therefore we will pass him by with no more mention than has

already been made,

15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king

after Gyges. He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and

while he was ruling over Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes

by the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except the citadel.

16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes his

son succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after him

Alyattes. This last made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes

and against the Medes, 15 and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia,

and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon, and made an

invasion against Clazomenai. From this he ed not as he desired, but

with great loss: during his reign however he performed other deeds very

worthy of mention as follows:—

17. He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as

an inheritance from his father: for he used to invade their land and

besiege Miletos in the following manner:—whenever there were ripe crops

upon the land, then he led an army into their confines, making his march

to the sound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone:

and when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses

that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors,

but let them stand as they were; the trees however and the crops that

were upon the land he destroyed, and then departed by the way he came:

for the men of Miletos had command of the sea, so that it was of no use

for his army to blockade them: and he abstained from pulling down the

houses to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while

they sowed and tilled the land, and by the means of their labour he

might have somewhat to destroy when he made his invasion.

18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the

course of these years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once

when they fought a battle in the district of Limenion in their own land,

and again in the plain of Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years

Sadyattes the son of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who

was wont to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; 16 for

this Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years

which followed these first six the war was carried on by Alyattes the

son of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance from his father (as

I have already said) and applied himself to it earnestly. And none of

the Ionians helped those of Miletos bear the burden of this war except

only the men of Chios. These came to their aid to pay back like with

like, for the Milesians had formerly assisted the Chians throughout

their war with the people of Erythrai.

19. Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was being

burnt by the army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:—as soon as the

corn was kindled, it was driven by a violent wind and set fire to the

temple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple being set on fire

was burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made then; but

afterwards when the army had ed to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as

his sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at

Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because he himself

thought it best to send and inquire of the god concerning his sickness.

But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess said that she

would give them no answer, until they should have built up again

the temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of

Miletos.

20. Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but the

Milesians add to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a

special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the then despot of Miletos, heard

of the oracle which had been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger

told Thrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand

and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by

the Milesians.

21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a herald

forthwith to Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the

Milesians for so long a time as he should be building the temple. He

then was being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the meantime

being informed beforehand of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes

was meaning to do, contrived this device:—he gathered together in the

market-place all the store of provisions which was found in the

city, both his own and that which belonged to private persons; and he

proclaimed to the Milesians that on a signal given by him they should

all begin to drink and make merry with one another.

22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald

from Sardis, seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up,

and the people feasting, might report this to Alyattes: and so on fact

it happened; for when the herald ed to Sardis after seeing this and

delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to him by the king

of Lydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed, merely

because of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine

in Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of

misery, heard from the herald, when he ed from Miletos, the opposite

to that which he himself supposed. And after this the peace was made

between them on condition of being guest-friends and allies to one

another, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos in place

of one, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to

the war waged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went

thus.

23. As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle to

Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In his

life, say the Corinthians, (and with them agree the Lesbians), there

happened to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion of Methymna was

carried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin's back. This man was a harper

second to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we

know, who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus

17 at Corinth.

24. This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed with

Periander, conceived a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily; and

after he had there acquired large sums of money, he wished to again to

Corinth. He set forth therefore from Taras, 19 and as he had faith

in Corinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew of

Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a

plot to cast Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having

obtained knowledge of this made entreaties to them, offering them his

wealth and asking them to grant him his life. With this however he

did not prevail upon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him

either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the land,

or leap straightway into the sea. So Arion being driven to a strait

entreated them that, since they were so minded, they would allow him to

take his stand in full minstrel's garb upon the deck 20 of the ship and

sing; and he promised to put himself to death after he had sung. They

then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all

minstrels upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the middle of

the ship; and he put on the full minstrel's garb and took his lyre, and

standing on the deck performed the Orthian measure. Then as the measure

ended, he threw himself into the sea just as he was, in his full

minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him,

they say, a dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at

Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded to Corinth with his

minstrel's garb. Thither having arrived he related all that had been

done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion in guard and

would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for those who had

conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of them if

they had any report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was

safe in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arion

suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he made his leap

from the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no longer

able to deny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the

Corinthians and Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive

offering of Arion of no great size, 21 namely a bronze figure of a man

upon a dolphin's back.

25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the

Milesians, afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This

king, when he recovered from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering

at Delphi (being the second of his house who had so done), namely a

great mixing-bowl of silver with a stand for it of iron welded together,

which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and

the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first found out the art of

welding iron.

26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received the

kingdom in succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I

said) fought against the Hellenes and of them he attacked the Ephesians

first. The Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated their city

to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city: now

the distance between the ancient city, which was then being besieged,

and the temple is seven furlongs. 22 These, I say, were the first upon

whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other

Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one, alleging against them various

causes of complaint, and making serious charges against those in whose

cases he could find serious grounds, while against others of them he

charged merely trifling offences.

27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to pay

tribute, he designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands

upon those who dwelt in the islands; and when all was prepared for

his building of ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or, according to

another account, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked

by Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to

an end his building of ships by this saying: "O king," said he, "the men

of the islands are hiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this

they mean to march to Sardis and fight against thee." And Croesus,

supposing that what he reported was true, said: "May the gods put

it into the minds of the dwellers of the islands to come with horses

against the sons of the Lydians!" And he answered and said: "O king, I

perceive that thou dost earnestly desire to catch the men of the islands

on the mainland riding upon horses; and it is not unreasonable that thou

shouldest wish for this: what else however thinkest thou the men of the

islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time they heard

that thou wert about to build ships against them, than that they might

catch the Lydians upon the sea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for

the Hellenes who dwell upon the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?"

Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with this conclusion, 23 and

obeying his suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped

his building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with the

Ionians dwelling in the islands.

28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the

river Halys had been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and Lykians

Croesus subdued and kept under his rule all the nations, that is to say

Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians,

Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians,

Aiolians, and Pamphylians), 24

29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding

to his Lydian dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of

its wealth, all the wise men 25 of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at

that time, brought thither severally by various occasions; and of them

one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians

at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away

saying that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might

not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed. 26 For

of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound

themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which

Solon should propose for them.

30. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for

the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to

Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest

by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth

day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his

treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent

they were: and after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he

had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report

of thee has come to us, both in regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings,

how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast traversed many lands to see

them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask thee whether thou

hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy." 27

This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but

Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, O king, Tellos

the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked

him earnestly: "In what respect dost thou judge Tellos to be the most

happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place, living while his

native State was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of

them children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what

with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a most glorious end:

for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at Eleusis against the

neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and there

died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where

he fell, and honoured him greatly."

31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of

Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king

asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man,

supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the second

place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos

by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this,

strength of body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in

the games, and moreover the following tale is told of them:—There was a

feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that

their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their

oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred

from all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew

the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought

it on for five-and-forty furlongs, 28 and came to the temple. Then after

they had done this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came

to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the deity declared

that it was better for man to die than to continue to live. For the

Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength 29 of the

young men, while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose

lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly

rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report made of it, took her

stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would

give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her 30 greatly,

that gift which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when

they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within

the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound in this

last end. 31 And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and

dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved

themselves most excellent."

32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to

these: and Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, hast

thou then so cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou

dost prefer to us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus,

thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that

the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the

course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire

to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer.

The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these

seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not

reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other one of these

years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused

to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will

be in number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these

months the days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being

in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the

seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what

another brings with it. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a

creature of accident. As for thee, I perceive that thou art both great

in wealth and king of many men, but that of which thou didst ask me I

cannot call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy life to

a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more

happy than he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also

the fortune go with him of ending his life well in possession of all

things fair. For many very wealthy men are not happy, 32 while many who

have but a moderate living are fortunate; 33 and in truth the very rich

man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor

man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the

rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his

desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas

the other has advantage over him in these things which follow:—he is not

indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil

his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is

sound of limb, 34 free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father

of fair children and himself of comely form; and if in addition to this

he shall end his life well, he is worthy to be called that which thou

seekest, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is well

to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. Now to

possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man,

just as no single land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one

thing it has and another it lacks, and the land that has the greatest

number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single

person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he

lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the

greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending of his

life, he is by me accounted worthy, O king, to receive this name. But

we must of every thing examine the end and how it will turn out at the

last, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks

them up by the roots and overturns them."

33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away

from his presence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly

senseless in that he passed over present good things and bade men look

to the end of every matter.

34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came upon

Croesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all

men. First there came and stood by him a dream, which showed to him the

truth of the evils that were about to come to pass in respect of his

son. Now Croesus had two sons, of whom one was deficient, seeing that he

was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed his companions of the

same age in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards

this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him

by the blow of an iron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up from sleep

and considered the matter with himself, he was struck with fear on

account of the dream; and first he took for his son a wife; and whereas

his son had been wont to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now no

longer sent him forth anywhere on any such business; and the javelins

and lances and all such things which men use for fighting he conveyed

out of the men's apartments and piled them up in the inner bed-chambers,

for fear lest something hanging up might fall down upon his son.

35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came

to Sardis a man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian

by birth and of the royal house. This man came to the house of Croesus,

and according to the customs which prevail in that land made request

that he might have cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing: now the

manner of cleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which

the Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he

asked of him whence he came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man, who

art thou, and from what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon

my hearth? And whom of men or women didst thou slay?" And he replied:

"O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called

Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against my will, and therefore am I

here, having been driven forth by my father and deprived of all that I

had." And Croesus answered thus: "Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot

of men who are our friends and thou hast come to friends, among whom

thou shalt want of nothing so long as thou shalt remain in our land: and

thou wilt find it most for thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly

as may be." So he had his abode with Croesus. 36

36. During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar of

monstrous size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged

the fields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it

often, yet they could do it no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves

from it; so at length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and

said: "O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of monstrous size,

which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are

not able: now therefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also

a chosen band of young men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our

land." Thus they made request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of

the dream spoke to them as follows: "As touching my son, make no further

mention of him in this matter; for I will not send him with you, seeing

that he is newly married and is concerned now with the affairs of his

marriage: but I will send with you chosen men of the Lydians and the

whole number of my hunting dogs, and I will give command to those who

go, to be as zealous as may be in helping you to destroy the wild beast

out of your land."

37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented with

this answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of the

request made by the Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not

send his son with them, the young man spoke as follows: "My father, in

times past the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go out

continually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute; but

now thou hast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not

observed in me any cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what

face must I appear when I go to and from the market-place of the city?

What kind of a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of

a man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife? With what kind of a

husband will she think that she is mated? Therefore either let me go to

the hunt, or persuade me by reason that these things are better for me

done as now they are."

38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My son, not because I have observed

in thee any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act

thus; but a vision of a dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told

me that thou shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish

by a spear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both

urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee upon the

matter which is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may

steal thee from thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by

any means possible for me to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only

son: the other I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in

hearing."

39. The young man made answer thus: "It may well be forgiven in thee, O

my father, that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such

a vision; but that which thou dost not understand, and in which the

meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound

to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end my life by

means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what

spear-point of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told

thee that I should end my life by a tusk, or any other thing which

resembles that, it would be right for thee doubtless to do as thou art

doing; but it said 'by a spear-point.' Since therefore our fight will

not be with men, let me now go."

40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou dost partly prevail with me by

declaring thy judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed

upon by thee, I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase."

41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; and

when he came, he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when thou wast struck

with a grievous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed

thee, and I have received thee into my house supplying all thy costs.

Now therefore, since having first received kindness from me thou art

bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the protector of

my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon

you by the way to do you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go

where thou mayest become famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee

as an inheritance from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast

strength for it."

42. Adrastos made answer: "O king, but for this I should not have been

going to any such contest of valour; for first it is not fitting that

one who is suffering such a great misfortune as mine should seek the

company of his fellows who are in prosperity, and secondly I have no

desire for it; and for many reasons I should have kept myself away. But

now, since thou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I

am bound to requite thee with kindness), I am ready to do this: expect

therefore that thy son, whom thou commandest me to protect, will home to

thee unhurt, so far as his protector may avail to keep him safe."

43. When he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, they

afterwards set forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs.

And when they were come to Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal;

and having found it and taken their stand round in a circle, they

were hurling against it their spears. Then the guest, he who had been

cleansed of manslaughter, whose name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it

missed the boar and struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the

spear-point fulfilled the saying of the dream. And one ran to report

to Croesus that which had come to pass, and having come to Sardis he

signified to him of the combat and of the fate of his son. And Croesus

was very greatly disturbed by the death of his son, and was much the

more moved to complaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the

man whom he had himself cleansed of manslaughter. And being grievously

troubled by the misfortune he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting

to him that which he had suffered from his guest, and he called moreover

upon the Protector of Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of Friendship,

38 naming still the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector of

Suppliants because when he received the guest into his house he had

been fostering ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the Guardian of

Friendship because having sent him as a protector he had found him the

worst of foes.

45. After this the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and behind it

followed the slayer: and he taking his stand before the corpse delivered

himself up to Croesus, holding forth his hands and bidding the king slay

him over the corpse, speaking of his former misfortune and saying that

in addition to this he had now been the destroyer of the man who had

cleansed him of it; and that life for him was no more worth living. But

Croesus hearing this pitied Adrastos, although he was himself suffering

so great an evil of his own, and said to him: "Guest, I have already

received from thee all the satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou

dost condemn thyself to suffer death; and not thou alone art the cause

of this evil, except in so far as thou wert the instrument of it against

thine own will, but some one, as I suppose, of the gods, who also long

ago signified to me that which was about to be." So Croesus buried his

son as was fitting: but Adrastos the son of Gordias, the son of Midas,

he who had been the slayer of his own brother and the slayer also of the

man who had cleansed him, when silence came of all men round about the

tomb, recognising that he was more grievously burdened by misfortune

than all men of whom he knew, slew himself upon the grave.

46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet in his mourning,

because he was deprived of his son: but after this period of time the

overthrowing of the rule of Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus

the son of Cambyses, and the growing greatness of the Persians caused

Croesus to cease from his mourning, and led him to a care of cutting

short the power of the Persians, if by any means he might, while yet it

was in growth and before they should have become great.

So having formed this design he began forthwith to make trial of

the Oracles, both those of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending

messengers some to one place and some to another, some to go to Delphi,

others to Abai of the Phokians, and others to Dodona; and some were

sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios, others to

Branchidai in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the Hellenes

to which Croesus sent messengers to seek divination; and others he sent

to the shrine of Ammon in Libya to inquire there. Now he was sending the

messengers abroad to the end that he might try the Oracles and find

out what knowledge they had, so that if they should be found to have

knowledge of the truth, he might send and ask them secondly whether he

should attempt to march against the Persians.

47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the Oracles he gave

charge as follows,—that from the day on which they set out from Sardis

they should reckon up the number of the days following and on the

hundredth day they should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus

the son of Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to be doing: and

whatever the Oracles severally should prophesy, this they should cause

to be written down 39 and bear it back to him. Now what the other

Oracles prophesied is not by any reported, but at Delphi, so soon as the

Lydians entered the sanctuary of the temple 40 to consult the god and

asked that which they were commanded to ask, the Pythian prophetess

spoke thus in hexameter measure:

"But the number of sand I know, 41 and the measure of drops in the ocean;

The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless:

And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise

Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it;

Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it."

48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle, the Lydians

caused the prophecy to be written down, and went away at once to Sardis.

And when the rest also who had been sent round were there arrived with

the answers of the Oracles, then Croesus unfolded the writings one by

one and looked upon them: and at first none of them pleased him, but

when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith he did worship to the god and

accepted the answer, 42 judging that the Oracle at Delphi was the only

true one, because it had found out what he himself had done. For when he

had sent to the several Oracles his messengers to consult the gods,

keeping well in mind the appointed day he contrived the following

device,—he thought of something which it would be impossible to discover

or to conceive of, and cutting up a tortoise and a lamb he boiled them

together himself in a caldron of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over

them.

49. This then was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as

regards the answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the

Lydians after they had done the things customary in his temple, 43 for

there is no record of this any more than of the others, except only that

Croesus thought that he also 44 possessed a true Oracle.

50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour of

the god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice he

offered three thousand of each kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid

with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of

purple, and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up,

hoping by these means the more to win over the god to the side of the

Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them

should make sacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had

finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of

it he wrought half-plinths 45 making them six palms 46 in length and

three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one

hundred and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold 47 weighing two

talents and a half 48 each, and others of gold alloyed with silver 49

weighing two talents. And he caused to be made also an image of a lion

of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi

was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these

it was set, 50 and is placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians,

weighing six talents and a half, for three talents and a half were

melted away from it.

51. So Croesus having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, and

with them these besides:—two mixing bowls of great size, one of gold and

the other of silver, of which the golden bowl was placed on the right

hand as one enters the temple, and the silver on the left, but the

places of these also were changed after the temple was burnt down,

and the golden bowl is now placed in the treasury of the people of

Clazomenai, weighing eight and a half talents and twelve pounds over,

51 while the silver one is placed in the corner of the vestibule 52 and

holds six hundred amphors 53 (being filled with wine by the Delphians on

the feast of the Theophania): this the people of Delphi say is the work

of Theodoros the Samian, 54 and, as I think, rightly, for it is evident

to me that the workmanship is of no common kind: moreover Croesus sent

four silver wine-jars, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians,

and two vessels for lustral water, 55 one of gold and the other of

silver, of which the gold one is inscribed "from the Lacedemonians,"

who say that it is their offering: therein however they do not speak

rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote

the inscription upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians; and his

name I know but will not make mention of it. The boy through whose hand

the water flows is from the Lacedemonians, but neither of the vessels

for lustral water. And many other votive offerings Croesus sent with

these, not specially distinguished, among which are certain castings 56

of silver of a round shape, and also a golden figure of a woman three

cubits high, which the Delphians say is a statue of the baker of

Croesus. Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments from his wife's neck

and her girdles.

52. These are the things which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos,

having heard of his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shield

made altogether of gold throughout, and a spear all of solid gold, the

shaft being of gold also as well as the two points, which offerings

were both remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian

Apollo.

53. To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus

gave charge that they should ask the Oracles this question also,—whether

Croesus should march against the Persians, and if so, whether he should

join with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the Lydians

had arrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated

the votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus,

king of the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are

the only true Oracles among men, presents to you 57 gifts such as your

revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march

against the Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any

army of men as allies." They inquired thus, and the answers of both

the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should

march against the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they

counselled him to find out the most powerful of the Hellenes and join

these with himself as friends.

54. So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he

was delighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly

destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, 58 and presented

to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two staters

of gold for each man: and in for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and

to the Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all

payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with this privilege

also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to

become a citizen of Delphi.

55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted the

Oracle the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of

the Oracle, he made abundant use of it. 59 And consulting the Oracle

he inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And the

Pythian prophetess answered him thus:

"But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch

Then by the pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed,

Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be callèd a coward."

56. By these lines when they came to him Croesus was pleased more than

by all the rest, for he supposed that a mule would never be ruler of the

Medes instead of a man, and accordingly that he himself and his heirs

would never cease from their rule. Then after this he gave thought to

inquire which people of the Hellenes he should esteem the most powerful

and gain over to himself as friends. And inquiring he found that the

Lacedemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the

Dorian and the others of the Ionian race. For these were the most

eminent races in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the

first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from its place in any

direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for

in the reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time

of Doros the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos,

which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by

the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makednian; and

thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally

to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.

57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able

with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that

still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston 60 above

the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours of the race now called

Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, and

also by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia

and Skylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been

settlers with the Athenians, 61 and of the natives of the various other

towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,—if

one must pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a

Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was such as

these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it

changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people

of Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell

about them, nor yet do the people of Phakia, but they speak the same

language one as the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep

unchanged the form of language which they brought with them when they

migrated to these places.

58. As for the Hellenic race, it has used ever the same language, as I

clearly perceive, since it first took its rise; but since the time when

it parted off feeble at first from the Pelasgian race, setting forth

from a small beginning it has increased to that great number of races

which we see, 62 and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been

added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think, 6201 of the

Pelasgian race also, 63 that so far as it remained Barbarian it never

made any great increase.

59. Of these races then Croesus was informed that the Athenian was held

subject and torn with faction by Peisistratos 64 the son of Hippocrates,

who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a

private citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel had

occurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons which were

standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiled

without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian,

who chanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised

Hippocrates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him

children, and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to dismiss

her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him. When Chilon

had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be

persuaded, and so there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratos;

who, when the Athenians of the shore 65 were at feud with those of the

plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being leader of the first faction,

and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaïdes of that of the plain, aimed at the

despotism for himself and gathered a third party. So then, after

having collected supporters and called himself leader of the men of the

mountain-lands, 66 he contrived a device as follows:—he inflicted

wounds upon himself and upon his mules, and then drove his car into the

market-place, as if he had just escaped from his opponents, who, as he

alleged, had desired to kill him when he was driving into the country:

and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from them,

for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the

Megarians, during which he took Nisaia and performed other signal

service. And the commons of the Athenians being deceived gave him those

67 men chosen from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed the

spear-men 68 of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they followed behind

him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratos

and obtained possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos was ruler of

the Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed

the ancient laws; but he administered the State under that constitution

of things which was already established, ordering it fairly and well.

60. However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles and those

of Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus Peisistratos had

obtained possession of Athens for the first time, and thus he lost

the power before he had it firmly rooted. But those who had driven

out Peisistratos became afterwards at feud with one another again.

And Megacles, harassed by the party strife, 69 sent a message to

Peisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter to wife

on condition of becoming despot. And Peisistratos having accepted the

proposal and made an agreement on these terms, they contrived with a

view to his a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever was

practised, considering at least that it was devised at a time when

the Hellenic race had been long marked off from the Barbarian as more

skilful and further removed from foolish simplicity, and among the

Athenians who are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. 70

In the deme of Paiania there was a woman whose name was Phya, in height

four cubits all but three fingers, 71 and also fair of form. This woman

they dressed in full armour and caused her to ascend a chariot and

showed her the bearing in which she might best beseem her part, 72 and

so they drove to the city, having sent on heralds to run before them,

who, when they arrived at the city, spoke that which had been commanded

them, saying as follows: "O Athenians, receive with favour Peisistratos,

whom Athene herself, honouring him most of all men, brings back to her

Acropolis." So the heralds went about hither and thither saying this,

and straightway there came to the demes in the country round a report

that Athene was bringing Peisistratos back, while at the same time the

men of the city, persuaded that the woman was the very goddess herself,

were paying worship to the human creature and receiving Peisistratos.

61. So having received back the despotism in the manner which has been

said, Peisistratos according to the agreement made with Megacles married

the daughter of Megacles; but as he had already sons who were young men,

and as the descendants of Alcmaion were said to be under a curse, 73

therefore not desiring that children should be born to him from his

newly-married wife, he had commerce with her not in the accustomed

manner. And at first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards she told

her mother, whether in answer to her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and

the mother told her husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that he

should be dishonoured by Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway he

proceeded to compose his quarrel with the men of his faction. And when

Peisistratos heard of that which was being done against himself, he

departed wholly from the land and came to Eretria, where he took counsel

together with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, that

they should endeavour to win back the despotism, they began to gather

gifts of money from those States which owed them obligations for favours

received: and many contributed great sums, but the Thebans surpassed

the rest in the giving of money. Then, not to make the story long, time

elapsed and at last everything was prepared for their . For certain

Argives came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos

had come to them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed

very great zeal in providing both money and men.

62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years 74 they ed

back; and in Attica the first place of which they took possession was

Marathon. While they were encamping here, their partisans from the city

came to them, and also others flowed in from the various demes, to whom

despotic rule was more welcome than freedom. So these were gathering

themselves together; but the Athenians in the city, so long as

Peisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he took

possession of Marathon, made no account of it; but when they heard that

he was marching from Marathon towards the city, then they went to the

rescue against him. These then were going in full force to fight against

the ing exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as they went towards the

city starting from Marathon, met them just when they came to the temple

of Athene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite to them. Then moved

by divine guidance 75 there came into the presence of Peisistratos

Amphilytos the Arcarnanian, 76 a soothsayer, who approaching him uttered

an oracle in hexameter verse, saying thus:

"But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely extended,

And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters."

63. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and

Peisistratos, having understood the oracle and having said that he

accepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army against the enemy.

Now the Athenians from the city were just at that time occupied with the

morning meal, and some of them after their meal with games of dice or

with sleep; and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and

put them to flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very

skilful counsel, to the end that the Athenians might not gather again

into one body but might remain scattered abroad. He mounted his sons on

horseback and sent them before him; and overtaking the fugitives they

said that which was commanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of

good cheer and that each man should depart to his own home.

64. Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for the third time

obtained possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism by

many foreign mercenaries and by much revenue of money, coming partly

from the land itself and partly from about the river Strymon, and also

by taking as hostages the sons of those Athenians who had remained in

the land and had not at once fled, and placing them in the hands of

Naxos; for this also Peisistratos conquered by war and delivered into

the charge of Lygdamis. Moreover besides this he cleansed the island

of Delos in obedience to the oracles; and his cleansing was of the

following kind:—so far as the view from the temple extended 77 he dug up

all the dead bodies which were buried in this part and removed them to

another part of Delos. So Peisistratos was despot of the Athenians; but

of the Athenians some had fallen in the battle, and others of them with

the sons of Alcmaion were exiles from their native land.

65. Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard was prevailing

among the Athenians during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians he

heard that they had escaped from great evils and had now got the better

of the Tegeans in the war. For when Leon and Hegesicles were kings of

Sparta, the Lacedemonians, who had good success in all their other wars,

suffered disaster in that alone which they waged against the men of

Tegea. Moreover in the times before this they had the worst laws of

almost all the Hellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves

alone and also in that they had no dealings with strangers. And they

made their change to a good constitution of laws thus:—Lycurgos, a

man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the Oracle at

Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the

Pythian prophetess said as follows:

"Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple,

Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos.

Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic,

God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos."

66. Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also set

forth to him the order of things which is now established for the

Spartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves say that Lycurgos having

become guardian of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king of the

Spartans, brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he became

guardian, he changed all the prevailing laws, and took measures that

they should not transgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos

established that which appertained to war, namely Enomoties and Triecads

and Common Meals, 7701 and in addition to this the Ephors and the

Senate. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgos

after he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship.

So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small

number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and became

prosperous: and it was no longer sufficient for them to keep still; but

presuming that they were superior in strength to the Arcadians, they

consulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting conquest of the whole of

Arcadia; and the Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:

"The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest me much; I refuse it;

Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns;

These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee;

Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in,

And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it."

When the Lacedemonians heard report of this, they held off from the

other Arcadians, and marched against the Tegeans with fetters in their

hands, trusting to a deceitful 78 oracle and expecting that they

would make slaves of the men of Tegea. But having been worsted in the

encounter, those of them who were taken alive worked wearing the fetters

which they themselves brought with them and having "measured with line

and divided" 79 the plain of the Tegeans. And these fetters with which

they had been bound were preserved even to my own time at Tegea, hanging

about the temple of Athene Alea. 80

67. In the former war then I say they struggled against the Tegeans

continually with ill success; but in the time of Croesus and in the

reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston at Lacedemon the Spartans had at

length become victors in the war; and they became so in the following

manner:—As they continued to be always worsted in the war by the men of

Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi and inquired

what god they should propitiate in order to get the better of the men

of Tegea in the war: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them

that they should bring into their land the bones of Orestes the son of

Agamemnon. Then as they were not able to find the grave of Orestes,

they sent men again to go to the god and to inquire about the spot where

Orestes was laid: and when the messengers who were sent asked this, the

prophetess said as follows:

"Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in a smooth place founded;

Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together;

Stroke too there is and stroke in , and trouble on trouble.

There Agamemnon's son in the life-giving earth is reposing;

Him if thou bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt be master." 81

When the Lacedemonians had heard this they were none the less far from

finding it out, though they searched all places; until the time that

Lichas, one of those Spartans who are called "Well-doers," 82 discovered

it. Now the "Well-doers" are of the citizens the eldest who are passing

from the ranks of the "Horsemen," in each year five; and these are bound

during that year in which they pass out from the "Horsemen," to allow

themselves to be sent without ceasing to various places by the Spartan

State.

68. Lichas then, being one of these, discovered it in Tegea by means

both of fortune and ability. For as there were at that time dealings

under truce with the men of Tegea, he had come to a forge there and was

looking at iron being wrought; and he was in wonder as he saw that which

was being done. The smith therefore, perceiving that he marvelled at it,

ceased from his work and said: "Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if

thou hadst seen that which I once saw, thou wouldst have marvelled much,

since now it falls out that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working

of this iron; for I, desiring in this enclosure to make a well, lighted

in my digging upon a coffin of seven cubits in length; and not believing

that ever there had been men larger than those of the present day,

I opened it, and I saw that the dead body was equal in length to the

coffin: then after I had measured it, I filled in the earth over it

again." He then thus told him of that which he had seen; and the other,

having thought upon that which was told, conjectured that this was

Orestes according to the saying of the Oracle, forming his conjecture

in the following manner:—whereas he saw that the smith had two pairs of

bellows, he concluded that these were the winds spoken of, and that the

anvil and the hammer were the stroke and the stroke in , and that the

iron which was being wrought was the trouble laid upon trouble, making

comparison by the thought that iron has been discovered for the evil of

mankind. Having thus conjectured he came back to Sparta and declared the

whole matter to the Lacedemonians; and they brought a charge against him

on a fictitious pretext and drove him out into exile. 83 So having come

to Tegea, he told the smith of his evil fortune and endeavoured to hire

from him the enclosure, but at first he would not allow him to have it:

at length however Lichas persuaded him and he took up his abode there;

and he dug up the grave and gathered together the bones and went with

them away to Sparta. From that time, whenever they made trial of one

another, the Lacedemonians had much the advantage in the war; and by now

they had subdued to themselves the greater part of Peloponnesus besides.

69. Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things was sending

messengers to Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for an alliance,

having commanded them what they ought to say: and they when they came

said: "Croesus king of the Lydians and also of other nations sent us

hither and saith as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god by an

oracle bade me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore,

since I am informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you

according to the oracle, desiring to be your friend and your ally

apart from all guile and deceit." Thus did Croesus announce to the

Lacedemonians through his messengers; and the Lacedemonians, who

themselves also had heard of the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased

at the coming of the Lydians and exchanged oaths of friendship and

alliance: for they were bound to Croesus also by some services rendered

to them even before this time; since the Lacedemonians had sent to

Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose of using it for the image

of Apollo which is now set up on Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian land;

and Croesus, when they desired to buy it, gave it them as a gift.

70. For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance,

and also because he chose them as his friends, preferring them to all

the other Hellenes. And not only were they ready themselves when he made

his offer, but they caused a mixing-bowl to be made of bronze, covered

outside with figures round the rim and of such a size as to hold three

hundred amphors, 84 and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as a

gift in to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of which

two accounts are given as follows:—The Lacedemonians say that when the

bowl was on its way to Sardis and came opposite the land of Samos, the

men of Samos having heard of it sailed out with ships of war and took

it away; but the Samians themselves say that the Lacedemonians who were

conveying the bowl, finding that they were too late and hearing that

Sardis had been taken and Croesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in

Samos, and certain private persons bought it and dedicated it as a

votive offering in the temple of Hera; and probably those who had sold

it would say when they ed to Sparta that it had been taken from them by

the Samians.

71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but meanwhile Croesus,

mistaking the meaning of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia,

expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Persians: and while

Croesus was preparing to march against the Persians, one of the

Lydians, who even before this time was thought to be a wise man but in

consequence of this opinion got a very great name for wisdom among

the Lydians, had advised Croesus as follows (the name of the man was

Sandanis):—"O king, thou art preparing to march against men who wear

breeches of leather, and the rest of their clothing is of leather also;

and they eat food not such as they desire but such as they can obtain,

dwelling in a land which is rugged; and moreover they make no use of

wine but drink water; and no figs have they for dessert, nor any other

good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou

take away from them, seeing they have nothing? and on the other hand,

if thou shalt be overcome, consider how many good things thou wilt lose;

for once having tasted our good things, they will cling to them fast

and it will not be possible to drive them away. I for my own part feel

gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the minds of the

Persians to march against the Lydians." Thus he spoke not persuading

Croesus: for it is true indeed that the Persians before they subdued the

Lydians had no luxury nor any good thing.

72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes Syrians; 85 and

these Syrians, before the Persians had rule, were subjects of the Medes,

but at this time they were subjects of Cyrus. For the boundary between

the Median empire and the Lydian was the river Halys; and this flows

from the mountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians, and afterwards,

as it flows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and the Phrygians

on the other side; then passing by these and flowing up towards the

North Wind, it bounds on the one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the

left hand the Paphlagonians. Thus the river Halys cuts off from the rest

almost all the lower parts of Asia by a line extending from the sea

that is opposite Cyprus to the Euxine. And this tract is the neck of the

whole peninsula, the distance of the journey being such that five days

are spent on the way by a man without encumbrance. 86

73. Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching into

Cappadokia:—first because he desired to acquire the land in addition to

his own possessions, and then especially because he had confidence in

the oracle and wished to take vengeance on Cyrus for Astyages. For

Cyrus the son of Cambyses had conquered Astyages and was keeping him in

captivity, who was brother by marriage to Croesus and king of the Medes:

and he had become the brother by marriage of Croesus in this manner:—A

horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with the rest withdrew and sought

refuge in the land of the Medes: and at this time the ruler of the Medes

was Kyaxares the son of Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, who at first

dealt well with these Scythians, being suppliants for his protection;

and esteeming them very highly he delivered boys to them to learn their

speech and the art of shooting with the bow. Then time went by, and the

Scythians used to go out continually to the chase and always brought

back something; till once it happened that they took nothing, and when

they ed with empty hands Kyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion,

not of an eminently good disposition 87) dealt with them very harshly

and used insult towards them. And they, when they had received this

treatment from Kyaxares, considering that they had suffered indignity,

planned to kill and to cut up one of the boys who were being instructed

among them, and having dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress

the wild animals, to bear it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending

that it was game taken in hunting; and when they had given it, their

design was to make their way as quickly as possible to Alyattes the son

of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then was done; and Kyaxares with the guests

who ate at his table tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so

done became suppliants for the protection of Alyattes.

74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians

when Kyaxares demanded them, there had arisen war between the Lydians

and the Medes lasting five years; in which years the Medes often

discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and

among others they fought also a battle by night): 88 and as they still

carried on the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a

battle took place in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that

suddenly the day became night. And this change of the day Thales the

Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very

year in which the change took place. The Lydians however and the Medes,

when they saw that it had become night instead of day, ceased from their

fighting and were much more eager both of them that peace should be made

between them. And they who brought about the peace between them were

Syennesis the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian: 89 these were they

who urged also the taking of the oath by them, and they brought about an

interchange of marriages; for they decided that Alyattes should give his

daughter Aryenis to Astyages the son of Kyaxares, seeing that without

the compulsion of a strong tie agreements are apt not to hold strongly

together. Now these nations observe the same ceremonies in taking oaths

as the Hellenes, and in addition to them they make incision into the

skin of their arms, and then lick up the blood each of the other.

75. This Astyages then, being his mother's father, Cyrus had conquered

and made prisoner for a reason which I shall declare in the history

which comes after. 90 This then was the complaint which Croesus had

against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he should march

against the Persians; and when a deceitful answer had come back to him,

he marched into the dominion of the Persians, supposing that the answer

was favourable to himself. And when Croesus came to the river Halys,

then, according to my account, he passed his army across by the bridges

which there were; but, according to the account which prevails among the

Hellenes, Thales the Milesian enabled him to pass his army across. For,

say they, when Croesus was at a loss how his army should pass over the

river (since, they add, there were not yet at that time the bridges

which now there are), Thales being present in the army caused the river,

which flowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also on

the right; and he did it thus:—beginning above the camp he proceeded to

dig a deep channel, directing it in the form of a crescent moon, so that

the river might take the camp there pitched in the rear, being turned

aside from its ancient course by this way along the channel, and

afterwards passing by the camp might fall again into its ancient course;

so that as soon as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable

by both branches: and some say even that the ancient course of the river

was altogether dried up. But this tale I do not admit as true, for how

then did they pass over the river as they went back?

76. And Croesus, when he had passed over with his army, came to that

place in Cappadokia which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the strongest

place in this country, and is situated somewhere about in a line with

the city of Sinope 91 on the Euxine). Here he encamped and ravaged the

fields of the Syrians. Moreover he took the city of the Pterians, and

sold the people into slavery, and he took also all the towns that lay

about it; and the Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced

to remove from their homes. 92 Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his

own forces and having taken up in addition to them all who dwelt in the

region between, was coming to meet Croesus. Before he began however to

lead forth his army, he had sent heralds to the Ionians and tried to

induce them to revolt from Croesus; but the Ionians would not do as he

said. Then when Cyrus was come and had encamped over against Croesus,

they made trial of one another by force of arms in the land of Pteria:

and after hard fighting, when many had fallen on both sides, at length,

night having come on, they parted from one the other with no victory on

either side.

77. Thus the two armies contended with one another: and Croesus being

ill satisfied with his own army in respect of number (for the army

which he had when he fought was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being

dissatisfied with it I say on this account, as Cyrus did not attempt to

advance against him on the following day, marched back to Sardis, having

it in his mind to call the Egyptians to his help according to the oath

which they had taken (for he had made an alliance with Amasis king of

Egypt before he made the alliance with the Lacedemonians), and to

summon the Babylonians as well (for with these also an alliance had

been concluded by him, Labynetos 93 being at that time ruler of the

Babylonians), and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians

bidding them appear at a fixed time: and then after he had got all these

together and had gathered his own army, his design was to let the winter

go by and at the coming of spring to march against the Persians. So with

these thoughts in his mind, as soon as he came to Sardis he proceeded to

send heralds to his several allies to give them notice that by the fifth

month from that time they should assemble at Sardis: but the army which

he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, an army which

consisted of mercenary troops, 94 he let go and disbanded altogether,

never expecting that Cyrus, after having contended against him with such

even fortune, would after all march upon Sardis.

78. When Croesus had these plans in his mind, the suburb of the city

became of a sudden all full of serpents; and when these had appeared,

the horses leaving off to feed in their pastures came constantly thither

and devoured them. When Croesus saw this he deemed it to be a portent,

as indeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to the dwelling

of the Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the messengers who were

sent to consult arrived there and learnt from the Telmessians what the

portent meant to signify, but they did not succeed in reporting the

answer to Croesus, for before they sailed back to Sardis Croesus had

been taken prisoner. The Telmessians however gave decision thus: that an

army speaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for by Croesus to

invade his land, and that this when it came would subdue the native

inhabitants; for they said that the serpent was born of the soil, while

the horse was an enemy and a stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made

answer to Croesus after he was already taken prisoner, not knowing as

yet anything of the things which had happened to Sardis and to Croesus

himself.

79. Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched away after the battle

which had been fought in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant after

he had marched away to disband his army, took counsel with himself and

concluded that it was good for him to march as quickly as possible

to Sardis, before the power of the Lydians should be again gathered

together. So when he had resolved upon this, he did it without delay:

for he marched his army into Lydia with such speed that he was himself

the first to announce his coming to Croesus. Then Croesus, although he

had come to a great strait, since his affairs had fallen out altogether

contrary to his own expectation, yet proceeded to lead forth the

Lydians into battle. Now there was at this time no nation in Asia more

courageous or more stout in battle than the Lydian; and they fought on

horseback carrying long spears, the men being excellent in horsemanship.

80. So when the armies had met in that plain which is in front of the

city of Sardis,—a plain wide and open, through which flow rivers (and

especially the river Hyllos) all rushing down to join the largest called

Hermos, which flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother surnamed

"of Dindymos" 95 and runs out into the sea by the city of Phocaia,—then

Cyrus, when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their

horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as follows:—all

the camels which were in the train of his army carrying provisions and

baggage he gathered together, and he took off their burdens and set

men upon them provided with the equipment of cavalry: and having thus

furnished them forth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of

the army towards the horsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop he

ordered the infantry to follow; and behind the infantry he placed his

whole force of cavalry. Then when all his men had been placed in their

several positions, he charged them to spare none of the other Lydians,

slaying all who might come in their way, but Croesus himself they were

not to slay, not even if he should make resistance when he was captured.

Such was his charge: and he set the camels opposite the horsemen for

this reason,—because the horse has a fear of the camel and cannot endure

either to see his form or to scent his smell: for this reason then the

trick had been devised, in order that the cavalry of Croesus might be

useless, that very force wherewith the Lydian king was expecting most

to shine. And as they were coming together to the battle, so soon as the

horses scented the camels and saw them they turned away back, and the

hopes of Croesus were at once brought to nought. The Lydians however

for their part did not upon that act as cowards, but when they perceived

what was coming to pass they leapt from their horses and fought with

the Persians on foot. At length, however, when many had fallen on either

side, the Lydians turned to flight; and having been driven within the

wall of their fortress they were besieged by the Persians.

81. By these then a siege had been established: but Croesus, supposing

that the siege would last a long time, proceeded to send from the

fortress other messengers to his allies. For the former messengers were

sent round to give notice that they should assemble at Sardis by the

fifth month, but these he was sending out to ask them to come to his

assistance as quickly as possible, because Croesus was being besieged.

82. So then in sending to his other allies he sent also to Lacedemon.

But these too, the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very time

(for so it had fallen out) a quarrel in hand with the Argives about

the district called Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the Argive

possessions, the Lacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves. Now

the whole region towards the west extending as far down as Malea 96 was

then possessed by the Argives, both the parts situated on the mainland

and also the island of Kythera with the other islands. And when the

Argives had come to the rescue to save their territory from being cut

off from them, then the two sides came to a parley together and agreed

that three hundred should fight of each side, and whichever side had the

better in the fight that nation should possess the disputed land: they

agreed moreover that the main body of each army should withdraw to their

own country, and not stand by while the contest was fought, for fear

lest, if the armies were present, one side seeing their countrymen

suffering defeat should come up to their support. Having made this

agreement they withdrew; and chosen men of both sides were left behind

and engaged in fight with one another. So they fought and proved

themselves to be equally matched; and there were left at last of six

hundred men three, on the side of the Argives Alkenor and Chromios, and

on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades: these were left alive when

night came on. So then the two men of the Argives, supposing that

they were the victors, set off to run to Argos, but the Lacedemonian

Othryades, after having stripped the corpses of the Argives and carried

their arms to his own camp, remained in his place. On the next day both

the two sides came thither to inquire about the result; and for some

time both claimed the victory for themselves, the one side saying that

of them more had remained alive, and the others declaring that these had

fled away, whereas their own man had stood his ground and had stripped

the corpses of the other party: and at length by reason of this dispute

they fell upon one another and began to fight; and after many had fallen

on both sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. The Argives then cut

their hair short, whereas formerly they were compelled by law to wear

it long, and they made a law with a curse attached to it, that from that

time forth no man of the Argives should grow the hair long nor their

women wear ornaments of gold, until they should have won back Thyrea.

The Lacedemonians however laid down for themselves the opposite law to

this, namely that they should wear long hair from that time forward,

whereas before that time they had not their hair long. And they say that

the one man who was left alive of the three hundred, namely Othryades,

being ashamed to to Sparta when all his comrades had been slain, slew

himself there in Thyrea.

83. Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald from

Sardis arrived asking them to come to the assistance of Croesus, who was

being besieged. And they notwithstanding their own difficulties, as

soon as they heard the news from the herald, were eager to go to his

assistance; but when they had completed their preparations and their

ships were ready, there came another message reporting that the fortress

of the Lydians had been taken and that Croesus had been made prisoner.

Then (and not before) they ceased from their efforts, being grieved at

the event as at a great calamity.

84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows:—When the fourteenth

day came after Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus made proclamation

to his army, sending horsemen round to the several parts of it, that he

would give gifts to the man who should first scale the wall. After this

the army made an attempt; and when it failed, then after all the rest

had ceased from the attack, a certain Mardian whose name was Hyroiades

made an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where no guard

had been set; for they had no fear that it would ever be taken from that

side, seeing that here the citadel is precipitous and unassailable. To

this part of the wall alone Meles also, who formerly was king of Sardis,

did not carry round the lion which his concubine bore to him, the

Telmessians having given decision that if the lion should be carried

round the wall, Sardis should be safe from capture: and Meles having

carried it round the rest of the wall, that is to say those parts of the

citadel where the fortress was open to attack, passed over this part as

being unassailable and precipitous: now this is a part of the city which

is turned towards Tmolos. So then this 97 Mardian Hyroiades, having seen

on the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that side of

the citadel to recover his helmet which had rolled down from above,

and had picked it up, took thought and cast the matter about in his own

mind. Then he himself 98 ascended first, and after him came up others

of the Persians, and many having thus made approach, Sardis was finally

taken and the whole city was given up to plunder.

85. Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened thus:—He had a son, of whom

I made mention before, who was of good disposition enough but deprived

of speech. Now in his former time of prosperity Croesus had done

everything that was possible for him, and besides other things which he

devised he had also sent messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning him.

And the Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:

"Lydian, master of many, much blind to destiny, Croesus,

Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice which is prayed for,

Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removèd,

Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune."

Now when the fortress was being taken, one of the Persians was about to

slay Croesus taking him for another; and Croesus for his part, seeing

him coming on, cared nothing for it because of the misfortune which was

upon him, and to him it was indifferent that he should be slain by the

stroke; but this voiceless son, when he saw the Persian coming on, by

reason of terror and affliction burst the bonds of his utterance and

said: "Man, slay not Croesus." This son, I say, uttered voice then first

of all, but after this he continued to use speech for the whole time of

his life.

86. The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken

Croesus himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had

been besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had

brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians having taken him

brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre

and caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him

twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate

this offering as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether

he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was a

god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre because he wished

to know if any one of the divine powers would save him, so that he

should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as

he stood upon the pyre there came, although he was in such evil case, a

memory of the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration

that no one of the living might be called happy. And when this thought

came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply 99 and groaned aloud,

having been for long silent, and three times he uttered the name of

Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was

this person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. And

Croesus for a time, it is said, kept silence when he was asked this,

but afterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more than much wealth I

should have desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since his

words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said;

and as they were urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once

Solon an Athenian had come, and having inspected all his wealth had made

light of it, with such and such words; and how all had turned out for

him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with

a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race

and especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And while

Croesus related these things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges

of it round about were burning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing

from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his purpose

and considered that he himself also was but a man, and that he was

delivering another man, who had been not inferior to himself in

felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and

reflected that there was nothing of that which men possessed which was

secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as

possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus and those

who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavours were not able

now to get the mastery of the flames.

87. Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned how

Cyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was trying to put

out the fire but that they were no longer able to check it, cried aloud

entreating Apollo that if any gift had ever been given by him which had

been acceptable to the god, he would come to his aid and rescue him from

the evil which was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, and

suddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered and

a storm burst, and it rained with a very violent shower, and the pyre

was extinguished. Then Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover

of the gods and a good man, caused him to be brought down from the pyre

and asked him as follows: "Croesus, tell me who of all men was it who

persuaded thee to march upon my land and so to become an enemy to me

instead of a friend?" and he said: "O king, I did this to thy felicity

and to my own misfortune, and the causer of this was the god of the

Hellenes, who incited me to march with my army. For no one is so

senseless as to choose of his own will war rather peace, since in peace

the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their sons.

But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine powers that these things

should come to pass thus."

88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and caused him to sit near

himself and paid to him much regard, and he marvelled both himself and

all who were about him at the sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in

thought was silent; but after a time, turning round and seeing the

Persians plundering the city of the Lydians, he said: "O king, must I

say to thee that which I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep

silent in this my present fortune?" Then Cyrus bade him say boldly

whatsoever he desired; and he asked him saying: "What is the business

that this great multitude of men is doing with so much eagerness?" and

he said: "They are plundering thy city and carrying away thy wealth."

And Croesus answered: "Neither is it my city that they are plundering

nor my wealth which they are carrying away; for I have no longer any

property in these things: but it is thy wealth that they are carrying

and driving away."

89. And Cyrus was concerned by that which Croesus had said, and he

caused all the rest to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned for

his advantage as regards that which was being done; and he said: "Since

the gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think it right if I discern

anything more than others to signify it to thee. The Persians, who are

by nature unruly, 100 are without wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer

them to carry off in plunder great wealth and to take possession of it,

then it is to be looked for that thou wilt experience this result, thou

must expect namely that whosoever gets possession of the largest share

will make insurrection against thee. Now therefore, if that which I say

is pleasing to thee, do this:—set spearmen of thy guard to watch at all

the gates, and let these take away the things, and say to the men who

were bearing them out of the city that they must first be tithed for

Zeus: and thus thou on the one hand wilt not be hated by them for taking

away the things by force, and they on the other will willingly let the

things go, 101 acknowledging within themselves that thou art doing that

which is just."

90. Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure pleased, because he thought

that Croesus advised well; and he commended him much and enjoined the

spearmen of his guard to perform that which Croesus had advised: and

after that he spoke to Croesus thus: "Croesus, since thou art prepared,

like a king as thou art, to do good deeds and speak good words,

therefore ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee

forthwith." And he said: "Master, thou wilt most do me a pleasure if

thou wilt permit me to send to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honoured

most of all gods, these fetters, and to ask him whether it is accounted

by him right to deceive those who do well to him." Then Cyrus asked him

what accusation he made against the god, that he thus requested; and

Croesus repeated to him all that had been in his mind, and the answers

of the Oracles, and especially the votive offerings, and how he had been

incited by the prophecy to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking he

came back again to the request that it might be permitted to him to make

this reproach 102 against the god. And Cyrus laughed and said: "Not this

only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus, but also whatsoever thou mayst

desire of me at any time." Hearing this Croesus sent certain of the

Lydians to Delphi, enjoining them to lay the fetters upon the threshold

of the temple and to ask the god whether he felt no shame that he had

incited Croesus by his prophecies to march upon the Persians, persuading

him that he should bring to an end the empire of Cyrus, seeing that

these were the first-fruits of spoil which he had won from it,—at the

same time displaying the fetters. This they were to ask, and moreover

also whether it was thought right by the gods of the Hellenes to

practice ingratitude.

91. When the Lydians came and repeated that which they were enjoined to

say, it is related that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows: "The

fated destiny it is impossible even for a god to escape. And Croesus

paid the debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor, who being one of

the spearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device of a

woman, and having slain his master took possession of his royal dignity,

which belonged not to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly desired

that the calamity of Sardis might come upon the sons of Croesus and not

upon Croesus himself, it was not possible for him to draw the Destinies

aside from their course; but so much as these granted he brought to

pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put off the taking of

Sardis by three years; and let Croesus be assured that he was taken

prisoner later by these years than the fated time: moreover secondly, he

assisted him when he was about to be burnt. And as to the oracle which

was given, Croesus finds fault with good ground: for Loxias told him

beforehand that if he should march upon the Persians he should destroy

a great empire: and he upon hearing this, if he wished to take counsel

well, ought to have sent and asked further whether the god meant his

own empire or that of Cyrus: but as he did not comprehend that which was

uttered and did not ask again, let him pronounce himself to be the cause

of that which followed. To him also 103 when he consulted the Oracle for

the last time Loxias said that which he said concerning a mule; but this

also he failed to comprehend: for Cyrus was in fact this mule, seeing

that he was born of parents who were of two different races, his mother

being of nobler descent and his father of less noble: for she was a

Median woman, daughter of Astyages and king of the Medes, but he was a

Persian, one of a race subject to the Medes, and being inferior in all

respects he was the husband of one who was his royal mistress." Thus the

Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians, and they brought the answer

back to Sardis and repeated it to Croesus; and he, when he heard it,

acknowledged that the fault was his own and not that of the god. With

regard then to the empire of Croesus and the first conquest of Ionia, it

happened thus.

92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings made by Croesus

and not only those which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes of the

Boeotians there is a tripod of gold, which he dedicated to the Ismenian

Apollo; then at Ephesos there are the golden cows and the greater number

of the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of Athene Pronaia at

Delphi a large golden shield. These were still remaining down to my own

time, but others of his votive offerings have perished: and the votive

offerings of Croesus at Branchidai of the Milesians were, as I am told,

equal in weight and similar to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent

to Delphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of his own goods

and as first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his father; but the

other offerings were made of the substance of a man who was his foe, who

before Croesus became king had been factious against him and had joined

in endeavouring to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon

was a son of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the same

mother, for Croesus was born to Alyattes of a Carian woman, but

Pantaleon of an Ionian. And when Croesus had gained possession of the

kingdom by the gift of his father, he put to death the man who opposed

him, drawing him upon the carding-comb; and his property, which even

before that time he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner

mentioned to those shrines which have been named. About his votive

offerings let it suffice to have said so much.

93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no great store as

compared with other lands, 104 excepting the gold-dust which is carried

down from Tmolos; but one work it has to show which is larger far than

any other except only those in Egypt and Babylon: for there is there the

sepulchral monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus, of which the base

is made of larger stones and the rest of the monument is of earth piled

up. And this was built by contributions of those who practised trade and

of the artisans and the girls who plied their traffic there; and still

there existed to my own time boundary-stones five in number erected upon

the monument above, on which were carved inscriptions telling how much

of the work was done by each class; and upon measurement it was found

that the work of the girls was the greatest in amount. For the daughters

of the common people in Lydia practice prostitution one and all, to

gather for themselves dowries, continuing this until the time when they

marry; and the girls give themselves away in marriage. Now the circuit

of the monument is six furlongs and two hundred feet, 105 and the

breadth is thirteen hundred feet. 106 And adjoining the monument is a

great lake, which the Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water,

and it is called the lake of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this

monument.

94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs as the Hellenes,

with the exception that they prostitute their female children; and they

were the first of men, so far as we know, who struck and used coin of

gold or silver; and also they were the first retail-traders. And the

Lydians themselves say that the games which are now in use among them

and among the Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were

invented among them at the same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, 108 and

this is the account they give of them:—In the reign of Atys the son of

Manes their king there came to be a grievous dearth over the whole

of Lydia; and the Lydians for a time continued to endure it, but

afterwards, as it did not cease, they sought for remedies; and one

devised one thing and another of them devised another thing. And then

were discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and the

knucklebones and the ball, and all the other games excepting draughts

(for the discovery of this last is not claimed by the Lydians). These

games they invented as a resource against the famine, and thus they used

to do:—on one of the days they would play games all the time in order

that they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they ceased

from their games and had food: and thus they went on for eighteen years.

As however the evil did not slacken but pressed upon them ever more

and more, therefore their king divided the whole Lydian people into two

parts, and he appointed by lot one part to remain and the other to go

forth from the land; and the king appointed himself to be over that one

of the parts which had the lot to stay in the land, and his son to be

over that which was departing; and the name of his son was Tyrsenos.

So the one party of them, having obtained the lot to go forth from the

land, went down to the sea at Smyrna and built ships for themselves,

wherein they placed all the movable goods which they had and sailed away

to seek for means of living and a land to dwell in; until after passing

by many nations they came at last to the land of the Ombricans, 109 and

there they founded cities and dwell up to the present time: and changing

their name they were called after the king's son who led them out from

home, not Lydians but Tyrsenians, taking the name from him.

The Lydians then had been made subject to the Persians as I say:

95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he

was that destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in

what manner they obtained the lead of Asia. Following then the report

of some of the Persians,—those I mean who do not desire to glorify the

history of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—according to

their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also the other

forms of the story in three several ways.

The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five hundred and twenty years,

and from them the Medes were the first who made revolt. These having

fought for their freedom with the Assyrians proved themselves good men,

and thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery from themselves and were

set free; and after them the other nations also did the same as the

Medes: and when all on the continent were thus independent, they ed

again to despotic rule as follows:—

96. There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name

was Deïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, having

formed a desire for despotic power, did thus:—whereas the Medes dwelt

in separate villages, he, being even before that time of great repute in

his own village, set himself to practise just dealing much more and

with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there was much

lawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew that

injustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same

village, seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since

he was aiming at power, was upright and just, and doing thus he had no

little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch that those of the other

villages learning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others gave

decision rightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from

unjust judgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to

Deïokes to have their causes determined, and at last they trusted the

business to no one else.

97. Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because men

learnt that his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokes

perceiving that everything was referred to himself would no longer

sit in the place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine

causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for it was not

profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes

for his neighbours all through the day. So then, since robbery and

lawlessness prevailed even much more in the villages than they did

before, the Medes having assembled together in one place considered with

one another and spoke about the state in which they were: and I suppose

the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this effect: "Seeing that we are

not able to dwell in the land under the present order of things, let

us set up a king from among ourselves, and thus the land will be well

governed and we ourselves shall turn to labour, and shall not be ruined

by lawlessness." By some such words as these they persuaded themselves

to have a king.

98. And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should set

up to be king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one,

until at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he bade them

build for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity and strengthen him

with a guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they built him a

large and strong palace in that part of the land which he told them, and

they allowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he

had obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one

fortified city and pay chief attention to this, having less regard to

the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this also, he built

large and strong walls, those which are now called Agbatana, standing

in circles one within the other. And this wall is so contrived that one

circle is higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone.

And to some extent, I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it

is on a hill, assists towards this end; but much more was it produced

by art, since the circles are in all seven in number. 111 And within the

last circle are the royal palace and the treasure-houses. The largest

of these walls is in size about equal to the circuit of the wall round

Athens; and of the first circle the battlements are white, of the second

black, of the third crimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus

are the battlements of all the circles coloured with various tints, and

the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid with silver and

the other with gold.

99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace,

and the people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after

all was built, Deïokes established the rule, which he was the first to

establish, ordaining that none should enter into the presence of the

king, but that they deal with him always through messengers; and that

the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit

in presence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception.

112 Now he surrounded himself with this state 113 to the end that his

fellows, who had been brought up with him and were of no meaner family

nor behind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him

and make plots against him, but that being unseen by them he might be

thought to be of different mould.

100. Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in his

despotism, he was severe in preserving justice; and the people used

to write down their causes and send them in to his presence, and he

determined the questions which were brought in to him and sent them out

again. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he also took

order for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving in

an unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each act

of wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the land

over which he ruled.

101. Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this:

and of the Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai,

Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of

the Medes are so many in number.

102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead,

having been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power in

succession; and having received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of

the Medes alone, but marched upon the Persians; and attacking them first

before others, he made these first subject to the Medes. After this,

being ruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he proceeded

to subdue Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he

marched against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at

Nineveh, and who formerly had been rulers of the whole, but at that time

they were left without support their allies having revolted from them,

though at home they were prosperous enough. 114 Phraortes marched, I

say, against these, and was both himself slain, after he had reigned

two-and-twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed.

103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son of

Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said

to have been yet much more warlike than his forefathers; and he first

banded the men of Asia into separate divisions, that is to say, he first

arrayed apart from one another the spearmen and the archers and the

horsemen, for before that time they were all mingled together without

distinction. This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day became

night as they fought, and who also united under his rule the whole of

Asia above the river Halys. 115 And having gathered together all his

subjects he marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also because

he desired to conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with

the Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down before

Nineveh there came upon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and the

leader of them was Madyas the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians.

These had invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians out of Europe, and

in pursuit of them as they fled they had come to the land of Media.

104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of

the Colchians is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance;

117 and from Colchis it is not far to pass over to Media, for there

is only one nation between them, the Saspeirians, and passing by this

nation you are in Media. However the Scythians did not make their

invasion by this way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road

118 which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand.

Then the Medes fought with the Scythians, and having been worsted in the

battle they lost their power, and the Scythians obtained rule over all

Asia.

105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syria

which is called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and by

gifts and entreaties he turned them from their purpose, so that they

should not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came

to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through

without doing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind

plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find

by inquiry, is the most ancient of all the temples which belong to this

goddess; for the temple in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people

of Cyprus themselves report, and it was the Phenicians who founded the

temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So these Scythians

who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants for ever,

were smitten by the divinity 119 with a disease which made them women

instead of men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason

that they were diseased, and that for this reason travellers who visit

Scythia now, see among them the affection of those who by the Scythians

are called Enareës.

106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia,

and by their unruliness and reckless behaviour everything was ruined;

for on the one hand they exacted that in tribute from each people which

they laid upon them, 120 and apart from the tribute they rode about and

carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares with

the Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, made

them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power,

and had rule over the same nations as before; and they also took

Nineveh,—the manner how it was taken I shall set forth in another

history, 121—and made the Assyrians subject to them excepting only the

land of Babylon.

107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including

those years during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of

Kyaxares received from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom

he named Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed

from her so much water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole

of Asia. This dream he delivered over 122 to the Magian interpreters of

dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became

afraid. And afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a

husband, he did not give her in marriage to any one of the Medes who

were his peers, because he feared the vision; but he gave her to a

Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and of a

quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of

middle rank.

108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year

Astyages saw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this

daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having

seen this vision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent

for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the

Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to

destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters

of dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should

be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when

Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom

he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him manager of all

his affairs; and to him he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means,

Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest

thou set me aside, 123 and choosing the advantage of others instead,

bring thyself afterwards to destruction. Take the child which Mandane

bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it; and afterwards bury it in

whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest." To this he made answer: "O

king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence

against thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time

that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards thee. If it

is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done, my service at least

must be fitly rendered."

109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him

adorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words

which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore,

what is it in thy mind to do?" and he made answer: "Not according as

Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out

of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or

serve him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay

the child; first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is

old and without male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall come

through me, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure

me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the

slayer of it, and not one of mine."

110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the

herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which

were most suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by

wild beasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to

one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was

married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue

Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca.

Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his

cattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the

Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median land

is very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but

the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman

came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words:

"Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate

part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible.

And he bade me to say that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt

preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of

destruction: 124 and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid

forth."

111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went

back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also,

as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by

a providential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when

the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for

the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and

the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband,

not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he ed and stood

before her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first

to speak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so

urgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard

that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never

chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full

of mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as

I entered I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath

and screaming, which was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered

clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the

child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the mountains which

is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid

this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do

this. And I took it up and bore it away, supposing that it was the

child of some one of the servants of the house, for never could I have

supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned with

gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it

openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road,

I learnt the whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out

of the city and placed in my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth

the son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of

Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is."

112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to

her. And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and

clung to the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it

forth. But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers

would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was

done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do

this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next

said as follows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it

forth, do thou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be

seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead.

Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of

Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing

a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel

for ourselves; for the dead child will obtain a royal burial and the

surviving one will not lose his life."

113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife

spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing

to put to death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was

dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the

other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child,

he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it

there. And when the third day came after the child had been laid forth,

the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to

watch there, and when he came to the house of Harpagos he said that he

was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the

most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the

herdsman's child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards

called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him

up, giving him no doubt some other name, not Cyrus.

114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him

as follows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in

which were stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys

of his age in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king

this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them

to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them

no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the

office of bearing the messages, 12401 appointing a work for each one

severally. Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son

of Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which

Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him

hand and foot, 125 and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the

boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being

made much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with

indignity, went down to the city and complained to his father of the

treatment which he had met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for

this was not yet his name, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And

Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking

the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that were

unfitting and said: "O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we

have been thus outraged," showing him the shoulders of his son.

115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy

to avenge the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his

son. And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said:

"Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat

with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my

favour?" And he replied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For

the boys of the village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me

up as king over them, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place.

Now the other boys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed

and paid no regard, until at last he received the punishment due. If

therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before

thee."

116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of

recognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to

resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for

his station, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the

age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a

time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered

himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might

get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will

so order these things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to

find fault"; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the

command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left

alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had

received the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him.

And the herdsman said that he was his own son, and that the mother was

living with him still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not

well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and as he

said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him. So

he, as he was being led away to the torture, 126 then declared the story

as it really was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the

whole, telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties,

asking that he would grant him pardon.

117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared

less about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and

bade his spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked

him thus: "By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I

delivered to thee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos, seeing that

the herdsman was in the king's palace, turned not to any false way of

speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows:

"O king, so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered

how I should do according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy

command I might not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against

thyself. I did therefore thus:—I called this herdsman and delivered the

child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it—and in

this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it,

I say, to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain,

and to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with

all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when

he had done that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the

most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child.

Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this

death which I say."

118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger

which he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he

related the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told

it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by

him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had

come to pass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled by

that which had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing

that I had been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider

that this is a happy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be

with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a

sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods

to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."

119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great

matter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that

he had been invited to dinner with happy augury; 127 and so he went to

his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for

he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the

palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he

himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But

Astyages, when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided

him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and

boiled others he caused them to be dressed for eating and kept them

ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests were

present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before

Astyages himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but

before Harpagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head

and the hands and the feet, 128 and these were laid aside covered up

in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied with food,

Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and

when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had

been commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered

up, together with the hands and the feet; and standing near they

bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he desired. So when

Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his son; and seeing

them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and

Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been

eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever

the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer and

taking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to his

house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts together

and bury them.

120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took

thought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment

about his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came,

Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and they

spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have

become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer

to them thus: "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he was

dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and

he performed completely all those things which they do who are really

kings; for he exercised rule, 130 appointed to their places spearmen

of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all else. Now

therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things tend?" The

Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became king without any

arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage,

for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some even of our

oracles have had but small results, 131 and that at least which has

to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplishment."

Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, O Magians, am most

disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was named

king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer

a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well

considered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and for

you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us also, O king, it is of

great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other

case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a

Persian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account

in the eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but

while thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation,

we both have our share of rule and receive great honours from thee. Thus

then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now,

if we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee

beforehand: but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner,

both we ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so

likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine eyes to

the Persians and to his parents."

121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to

him thus: "My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream

which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny;

now therefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send

with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou

shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the

herdsman and his wife."

122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had ed and

come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that,

when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they

had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightway after

his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And he told

them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterly in

error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for

he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of

Astyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt the

whole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had been

brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her

throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his

parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might

be thought by the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural

manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had

been reared by a bitch: 132 and from that source has come this report.

123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the

most courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his

friend and sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on

Astyages. For he saw not how from himself, who was in a private station,

punishment should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing

up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the

fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had

effected something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos

communicated severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded

them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease

from being king. When he had effected this and when all was ready, then

Harpagos wishing to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the

Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads were watched,

but devised a scheme as follows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut

open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it,

just as it was, a piece of paper, having written upon it that which

he thought good; and then he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and

giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he

trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining

him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the

same time to open it with his own hands and let no one else be present

when he did so.

124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the

hare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read

it over. And the writing said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods

keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much good

fortune. Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on Astyages who is thy

murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by the

care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou

hast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened about

thyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I

did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt

be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now

Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army

against the Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army

against thee, or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast

what thou desirest; for these will be the first to attempt to destroy

Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider then

that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with

speed."

125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might

most skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he

found that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—He

wrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made an

assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from it

said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and now, O

Persians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with

a reaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of

the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and

persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the

other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians,

and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the

Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd 134 kings. But

other Persian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, the

Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and

the rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and

Sagartians.)

126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was

overgrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in

each direction; and when all had come with that which they had been

before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for

cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the

task proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and

clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the

flocks of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his

father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to entertain the host

of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most

agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them

recline in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner,

Cyrus asked them whether that which they had on the former day or

that which they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that the

difference between them was great, for the former day had for them

nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this

saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men of the

Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and

ten thousand other good things, with no servile labour; but if ye will

not do as I say, ye have labours like that of yesterday innumerable. Now

therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem to myself to

have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand;

and I think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other

matters or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that this

is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith."

127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set

themselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant

to be ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting

thus, he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger

report to Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would

himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and

blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of

the army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had

marched out and began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued

the battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the design,

while others went over to the Persians; but the greater number were

wilfully slack and fled.

128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as

Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shall

Cyrus at least escape punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled

the Magian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go,

and then he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been

left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with

the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and

he lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth.

129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him

and rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which

he said to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to

be a slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which

Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own son. 135 He looking

at him asked him in whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own

deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed

was justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the

most unskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because,

when it was in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had

now been done was really brought about by him), he had conferred the

chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of that

dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer

the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just

to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the

Persians; whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become

slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of

the Medes had now become their masters.

130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus

caused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of

the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the

river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that

period for which the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however it

repented them that they had done this, and they revolved from Dareios,

and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a

battle. At this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians

with Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from that time forth were

rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides,

but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became

king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the

quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became

ruler of all Asia.

131. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians

practise:—Images and temples and altars they do not account it lawful

to erect, nay they even charge with folly those who do these things; and

this, as it seems to me, because they do not account the gods to be in

the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform

sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the mountains, and the

whole circle of the heavens they call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the

Sun and the Moon and the Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the Winds:

these are the only gods to whom they have sacrificed ever from the

first; but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania,

having learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the

Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601 and the

Persians Mitra.

132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which

is established among the Persians:—they make no altars neither do they

kindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor

music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal for sprinkling; 138 but when

a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads the animal

for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, having

his tiara 13801 wreathed round generally with a branch of myrtle. For

himself alone separately the man who sacrifices may not request good

things in his prayer, but he prays that it may be well with all the

Persians and with the king; for he himself also is included of course

in the whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the victim into

pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass

and especially clover, upon which he places forthwith all the pieces of

flesh; and when he has placed them in order, a Magian man stands by them

and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say that their

incantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for

them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the sacrificer

carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever purpose he pleases.

133. And of all days their wont is to honour most that on which they

were born, each one: on this they think it right to set out a feast more

liberal than on other days; and in this feast the wealthier of them set

upon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in

an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same way.

They have few solid dishes, 139 but many served up after as dessert, and

these not in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say that

the Hellenes leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have

nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any

good dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon. To

wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not permitted for

a man to vomit or to make water in presence of another. Thus do they

provide against these things; and they are wont to deliberate when

drinking hard about the most important of their affairs, and whatsoever

conclusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the next day,

when they are sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be

when they deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if it pleases

them when they are sober also, they adopt it, but if it does not

please them, they let it go: and that on which they have had the first

deliberation when they are sober, they consider again when they are

drinking.

134. When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern

whether those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of greeting by

words they kiss one another on the mouth; but if one of them is a little

inferior to the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one

is of much less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him and

does worship to him. 140 And they honour of all most after themselves

those nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell

next nearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion to distance;

and they hold least in honour those who dwell furthest off from

themselves, esteeming themselves to be by far the best of all the human

race on every point, and thinking that others possess merit according

to the proportion which is here stated, 141 and that those who dwell

furthest from themselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the

Medes the various nations used also to govern one another according to

the same rule as the Persians observe in giving honour, 142 the Medes

governing the whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to

themselves, and these having rule over those who bordered upon them, and

those again over the nations that were next to them: for the race went

forward thus ever from government by themselves to government through

others.

135. The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for they

both wear the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own,

and also for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all

kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular they have

learnt from the Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They marry each

one several lawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of

concubines.

136. It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after

excellence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those who have

most the king sends gifts every year: for they consider number to be a

source of strength. And they educate their children, beginning at five

years old and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in

shooting, and in speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years

old he does not come into the presence of his father, but lives with the

women; and it is so done for this reason, that if the child should die

while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause of any grief to his

father.

137. I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next

to be mentioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to

death for one cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause

alone shall do hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants; but

if after reckoning he finds that the wrongs done are more in number and

greater than the services rendered, 143 then only he gives vent to

his anger. Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or

mother, but whatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this

nature, if examined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due

either to changelings or to children of adulterous birth; for, say they,

it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would be killed by

his own son.

138. Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is not

lawful for them even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in

their estimation is to tell an lie, and next to this to owe money, this

last for many other reasons, but especially because it is necessary,

they say, for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and

whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he

does not come into a city nor mingle with the other Persians; and they

say that he has these diseases because he has offended in some way

against the Sun: but a stranger who is taken by these diseases, in many

regions 144 they drive out of the country altogether, and also white

doves, alleging against them the same cause. And into a river they

neither make water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it,

nor allow any other to do these things, but they reverence rivers very

greatly.

139. This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians have

themselves failed to notice but I have not failed to do so:—their

names, which are formed to correspond with their bodily shapes or their

magnificence of station, end all with the same letter, that letter which

the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this you will find, if

you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, not some with

this and others with other letters, but all alike.

140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge about

them: but what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mystery

and not with clearness, namely that the body of a Persian man is not

buried until it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know

for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However that

may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the

earth. Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men,

as also from the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter

of purity to kill no living creature except the animals which they

sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands all creatures

except dogs and men, and they even make this a great end to aim at,

killing both ants and serpents and all other creeping and flying things.

About this custom then be it as it was from the first established; and I

now to the former narrative. 145

141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued

by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his

subjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And

when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable,

saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and

played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but

being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed

a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and

when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I

pray you now, seeing that ye would not come out and dance before when

I piped." Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this

reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus

himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now

when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus

he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer

brought back to their cities, put walls round about them severally, and

gathered together to the Panionion, all except the men of Miletos, for

with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the

Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent

to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.

142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to

build their cities in the most favourable position for climate and

seasons of any men whom we know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor

those below, neither those towards the East nor those towards the West,

146 produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one

direction being oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the other

by heat and drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have

four different variations of language. 147 First of their cities on the

side of the South lies Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These

are settlements made in Caria, and speak the same language with one

another; and the following are in Lydia,—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos,

Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those

mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with

another. There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are

established in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the

mainland, namely Erythrai: now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the

same form of language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone.

Thus there result four separate forms of language.

143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger,

since they had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in

islands had no cause for fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects

of the Persians and the Persians themselves were not sea-men. Now these

148 were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than

this:—The whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its

races the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account: except

Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and

among them the Athenians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called

Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number of them are

ashamed of the name: but these twelve cities not only prided themselves

on the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave

the name of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in

it to any other Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it except those

of Smyrna);

144, just as the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five

Cities 149 but was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take care not

to admit any of the neighbouring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and

even exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any

offence as regards the temple. For example, in the games of the Triopian

Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the

victors, and the rule was that those who received them should not carry

them out of the temple but dedicate them then and there to the god.

There was a man then of Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who

being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the tripod

to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground

the other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos,

excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos from sharing in the temple.

145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think

that the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would

not receive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt in

Peloponnesus there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there are

twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first,

(beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and

Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence

the river of the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and

Helike, to which the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by

the Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis

and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dyme and Tritaieis, of

which the last alone has an inland position. 151 These form now twelve

divisions of the Achaians, and in former times they were divisions of

the Ionians.

146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve

cities; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than

the other Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly,

considering that a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who

have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have

been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who

seceded from their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia

and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races have been mingled with

them; and those of them who set forth to their settlements from the City

Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves the most noble by descent

of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to their

settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on

account of this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule,

imposing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their daughters, that

they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife call her

own husband by name, for this reason, because the Ionians had slain

their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had

them to wife. This happened at Miletos.

147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants of

Glaucos and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos,

descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes

of the two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more

than the other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of

truly pure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent

from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except

the men of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do

not keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.

148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale,

set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike 152;

and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland running out Westwards

towards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities

used to hold a festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only

the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally are

subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, just

like the names of the Persians.) 153

These then are the Ionian cities:

149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, which is called

Phriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa,

Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of the

Aiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them by

the Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used also

formerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune to

settle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in

respect of climate less favoured. 154

150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner:—certain men

of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven

from their native city, were received there for refuge: and after this

the Colophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna were

celebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and then they

closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After

this, when the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an

agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that

on this condition the Aiolians should abandon Smyrna. When the men of

Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst

themselves and made them their own citizens.

151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with the

exception of those situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from

the rest. And of those which are in the islands, there are five in

Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was

enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same

race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are

called the "Hundred Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos,

like those Ionians who dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but

the remaining cities came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians

whithersoever they should lead.

152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to

Sparta (for this business was carried out with speed), they chose before

all others to speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He

then put upon him a purple cloak, in order that as many as possible

of the Spartans might hear of it and come together, and having been

introduced before the assembly 155 he spoke at length, asking the

Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to

him, but resolved on the contrary not to help the Ionians. So they

departed, and the Lacedemonians, having dismissed the messengers of the

Ionians, sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars, to find out,

as I imagine, about the affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when

they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man of most repute among

them, whose name was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the

Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to no city of the Hellas, since they

would not permit it.

153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those

of the Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were

and how many in number, that they made this proclamation to him; and

hearing their answer he said to the Spartan herald: "Never yet did I

fear men such as these, who have a place appointed in the midst of their

city where they gather together and deceive one another by false oaths:

and if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians

will be for them a subject of talk, but rather their own." These words

Cyrus threw out scornfully with reference to the Hellenes in general,

because they have got for themselves 156 markets and practise buying and

selling there; for the Persians themselves are not wont to use markets

nor have they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to

Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians

he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched

away to Agbatana, taking with him Croesus and making for the present no

account of the Ionians. For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the

Bactrian nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians; and against these he

meant to make expeditions himself, while sending some other commander

about the Ionians.

154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused the

Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to the

sea, and having in his possession all the gold that there had been in

Sardis, he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded the men of the

sea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besieged

Tabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel.

155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows:

"Croesus, what end shall I find of these things which are coming to

pass? The Lydians will not cease as it seems, from giving trouble to

me and from having it themselves. I doubt me if it were not best 157 to

sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like

manner as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so

I took prisoner and am carrying away thee, who wert much more than the

father of the Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves I delivered up

their city; and can I feel surprise after this that they have revolted

from me?" Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him as

follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O king, that which thou

hast said is not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent

to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city which is guiltless both of the

former things and also of those which have come to pass now: for as

to the former things it was I who did them and I bear the consequences

heaped upon my head; 158 and as for what is now being done, since the

wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis,

let him pay the penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay

upon them commands as follows, in order that they may not revolt nor

be a cause of danger to thee:—send to them and forbid them to possess

weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics under their

outer garments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they

train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers;

and soon thou shalt see, O king, that they have become women instead of

men, so that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee."

156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this was

better for the Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he

knew that if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he would not persuade

Cyrus to change his mind, and he feared lest at some future time, if

they should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt from

the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the

suggestion made and slackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with

his advice. Then he called Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to

proclaim to the Lydians that which Croesus suggested, and moreover to

sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with the Lydians in the

expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring Pactyas himself

alive to Cyrus.

157. Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to

the native land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army was

approaching to fight against him was struck with fear and fled away

forthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with a

certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas or

his followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians to

perform the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed

the whole manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send

messengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas: and the men of Kyme

resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the question what counsel

they should follow. For there was there an Oracle established of old

time, which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this

place is in the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.

158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159 to inquire

of the god, and they asked what course they should take about Pactyas so

as to do that which was pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired,

the answer was given them that they should deliver up Pactyas to the

Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported, were

disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were thus

disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among the

citizens, stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of the

answer and thinking that those sent to inquire were not speaking the

truth; until at last other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask a

second time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one.

159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the

rest and consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there came

to us a suppliant for protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a

violent death at the hands of the Persians, and they demand him from us,

bidding the men of Kyme give him up. But we, though we fear the power of

the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver to them

the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us,

saying which of the two things we ought to do." He thus inquired, but

the god again declared to them the same answer, bidding them deliver up

Pactyas to the Persians. Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose

did as follows:—he went all round the temple destroying the nests of the

sparrows 161 and of all the other kinds of birds which had been hatched

on the temple: and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came

from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: "Thou

most impious of men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry

away by force from my temple the suppliants for my protection?" And

Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss replied to this:

"Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants, and yet

biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?" and the god answered him

again thus: "Yea, I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more quickly

for your impiety; so that ye may not at any future time come to the

Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants."

160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing either

to be destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him with

them, they sent him away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, when

Mazares sent messages to them, were preparing to deliver up Pactyas

for a price, but what the price was I cannot say for certain, since the

bargain was never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt that

this was being done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and

conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from

the temple of Athene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the

Chians delivered him up receiving Atarneus in , (now this Atarneus is a

region of Mysia 162 opposition Lesbos). So the Persians having received

Pactyas kept him under guard, meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And

a long time elapsed during which none of the Chians either used

barley-meal grown in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out in

sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for offering of the corn which grew

there, but all the produce of this land was excluded from every kind of

sacred service.

161. The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after this

Mazares made expedition against those who had joined in besieging

Tabalos: and first he reduced to slavery those of Priene, then he

overran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his army,

and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway after this he fell sick

and died.

162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command,

being also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the Medes

Astyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give the

kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed commander then by Cyrus,

came to Ionia and proceeded to take the cities by throwing up mounds

against them: for when he had enclosed any people within their walls,

then he threw up mounds against the walls and took their city by storm;

and the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.

163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made long

voyages, and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia and

Iberia and Tartessos: and they made voyages not in round ships, but in

vessels of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and became friends with

the king of the Tartessians whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler

of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and

twenty. With this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly

friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they

desired in his own land; and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians

to do this, afterwards, hearing from them of the Mede how his power was

increasing, he gave them money to build a wall about their city: and he

did this without sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs

163 in extent, and it is built all of large stones closely fitted

together.

164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagos

having marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the same

time holding forth to them proposals and saying that it was enough to

satisfy him if the Phocaians were willing to throw down one battlement

of their wall and dedicate one single house. 164 But the Phocaians,

being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that they

wished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that they

would give their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from

the wall while they were deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very

well what they were meaning to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow

them to deliberate. So in the time that followed, when Harpagos

had withdrawn his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their

fifty-oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and women

and all their movable goods, and besides them the images out of the

temples and the other votive offerings except such as were made of

bronze or stone or consisted of paintings, all the rest, I say, they

put into the ships, and having embarked themselves they sailed towards

Chios; and the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being

deserted of the inhabitants.

165. But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell

them at their request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest

these islands might be made a seat of trade and their island might be

shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos: 165 for in Kyrnos

twenty years before this they had established a city named Alalia, in

accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And

when they were setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and

slaughtered the Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had

delivered the city; then after they had achieved this they made solemn

imprecations on any one of them who should be left behind from their

voyage, and moreover they sank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that

not until that mass should appear again on the surface 166 would they to

Phocaia. However as they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of

the citizens were seized with yearning and regret for their city and for

their native land, and they proved false to their oath and sailed back

to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the oath still, weighed anchor

from the islands of Oinussai and sailed.

166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together with

those who had come thither before, and they founded temples there.

Then, since they plundered the property of all their neighbours,

the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 made expedition against them by

agreement with one another, each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians

also manned their vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy

in that which is called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one

another in the sea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory,

for forty of their ships were destroyed and the remaining twenty were

disabled, having had their prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia

and took up their children and their women and their other possessions

as much as their ships proved capable of carrying, and then they left

Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion.

167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the

Carthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them,

168 and these they brought to land and killed by stoning. After this the

men of Agylla found that everything which passed by the spot where the

Phocaians were laid after being stoned, became either distorted, or

crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and

human creatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge

themselves of the offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that

which the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, they

make great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and hold at the place a

contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians had

the fate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegion

started from thence and took possession of that city in the land of

Oinotria which now is called Hyele. This they founded having learnt from

a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer meant

them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found a

settlement in the island of Kyrnos. 169

168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thing

also was done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their

wall with a mound, they embarked in their ships and sailed straightway

for Thrace; and there they founded the city of Abdera, which before

them Timesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit therefrom, but

was driven out by the Thracians; and now he is honoured as a hero by the

Teïans in Abdera.

169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because

they would not endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the

Milesians did indeed contend in arms with Harpagos like those who left

their homes, and proved themselves brave men, fighting each for his own

native city; but when they were defeated and captured they remained all

in their own place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the

Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agreement with

Cyrus himself and kept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been

reduced to subjection. And when Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on

the mainland, then the Ionians who dwelt in the islands, being struck

with fear by these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus.

170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuing

still to hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man

of Priene set forth to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitable

counsel, by following which they might have been the most prosperous

of all the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set forth in one

common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single

city for all the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and

would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and being

rulers over others; whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did not

perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer exist for them. This

was the counsel given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been

ruined; but a good counsel too was given before the ruin of Ionia

by Thales a man of Miletos, who was by descent of Phenician race. He

advised the Ionians to have one single seat of government, 170 and that

this should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of Ionia),

and that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but accounted

just as if they were demes.

These men 171 set forth to them counsels of the kind which I have said:

171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against the

Carians and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to

help him. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from the islands;

for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they

used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am

able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used

to supply his ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was

fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much

the most famous at that time together with him. And they produced three

inventions of which the Hellenes adopted the use; that is to say, the

Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening crests on

helmets, and of making the devices which are put onto shields, and these

also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to

that time all who were wont to use shields carried them without handles

and with leathern straps to guide them, having them hung about their

necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse of a long time the

Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they

came to the mainland. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate

that it happened thus; the Carians themselves however do not agree with

this account, but suppose that they are dwellers on the mainland from

the beginning, 172 and that they went always by the same name which they

have now: and they point as evidence of this to an ancient temple of

Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being

brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and Mysos were

brothers of Car; these share in it, but those who being of another race

have come to speak the same language as the Carians, these have no share

in it.

172. It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from

the beginning, though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but

they have been assimilated to the Carian race in language, or else the

Carians to the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which.

They have customs however in which they differ very much from all other

men as well as from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their

estimation is to meet together in numbers for drinking, according to

equality of age or friendship, both men, women, and children; and again

when they had founded temples for foreign deities, afterwards they

changed their purpose and resolved to worship only their own native

gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their armour and

made pursuit as far as the borders of the Calyndians, beating the air

with their spears; and they said that they were casting the foreign gods

out of the land. Such are the customs which these have.

173. The Lykians however have sprung originally from Crete (for in old

time the whole of Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when the sons

of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about the

kingdom, Minos having got the better in the strife of parties drove

out both Sarpedon himself and those of his party: and they having been

expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for the land which now the

Lykians inhabit was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans were then

called Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called

by the name which they had when they came thither, and by which the

Lykians are even now called by the neighbouring tribes, namely Termilai;

but when from Athens Lycos the son of Pandion came to the land of the

Termilai and to Sarpedon, he too having been driven out by his brother

namely Aigeus, then by the name taken from Lycos they were called after

a time Lykians. The customs which these have are partly Cretan and

partly Carian; but one custom they have which is peculiar to them, and

in which they agree with no other people, that is they call themselves

by their mothers and not by their fathers; and if one asks his neighbour

who he is, he will state his parentage on the mother's side and

enumerate his mother's female ascendants: and if a woman who is a

citizen marry a slave, the children are accounted to be of gentle birth;

but if a man who is a citizen, though he were the first man among them,

have a slave for wife or concubine, the children are without civil

rights.

174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by Harpagos without any

brilliant deed displayed either by the Carians themselves or by those

of the Hellenes who dwell in this land. Of these last there are besides

others the men of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose land runs out

into the sea, 173 being in fact the region which is called Triopion,

beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the land of

Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for the part of it

which looks towards the North is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and

that which looks to the South by the sea off Syme and Rhodes), therefore

the men of Cnidos began to dig through this small part, which is about

five furlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring to

make their land an island: and within the isthmus all was theirs, 174

for where the territory of Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland,

here is the isthmus which they were digging across. And while the

Cnidians were working at it with a great number of men, it was perceived

that the men who worked suffered injury much more than might have been

expected and in a more supernatural manner, both in other parts of their

bodies and especially in their eyes, when the rock was being broken

up; so they sent men to ask the Oracle at Delphi what the cause of

the difficulty was. And the Pythian prophetess, as the men of Cnidos

themselves report, gave them this reply in trimeter verse:—

"Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through;

Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed."

When the Pythian prophetess had given this oracle, the men of Cnidos

not only ceased from their digging but delivered themselves to Harpagos

without resistance, when he came against them with his army.

175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the inland country

above Halicarnassos; and among these, whenever anything hurtful is about

to happen either to themselves or to their neighbours, the priestess

of Athene has a great beard: this befell them three times. These of

all about Caria were the only men who held out for any time against

Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more than any other people, having

fortified a mountain called Lide.

176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, when

Harpagos marched his army into the plain of Xanthos, came out against

him 175 and fought, few against many, and displayed proofs of valour;

but being defeated and confined within their city, they gathered

together into the citadel their wives and their children, their property

and their servants, and after that they set fire to this citadel, so

that it was all in flames, and having done so and sworn terrible oaths

with one another, they went forth against the enemy 176 and were slain

in fight, that is to say all the men of Xanthos: and of the Xanthians

who now claim to be Lykians the greater number have come in from abroad,

except only eighty households; but these eighty households happened

at that time to be away from their native place, and so they escaped

destruction. Thus Harpagos obtained possession of Caunos, for the men of

Caunos imitated in most respects the behaviour of the Lykians.

177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia; and Cyrus

himself meanwhile was doing the same in the upper parts of it, subduing

every nation and passing over none. Now most of these actions I shall

pass over in silence, but the undertakings which gave him trouble more

than the rest and which are the most worthy of note, of these I shall

make mention.

178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all other parts

of the mainland, proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria

has doubtless many other great cities, but the most famous and the

strongest, and the place where the seat of their monarchy had been

established after Nineveh was destroyed, was Babylon; which was a city

such as I shall say.—It lies in a great plain, and in size it is such

that each face measures one hundred and twenty furlongs, 177 the shape

of the whole being square; thus the furlongs of the circuit of the city

amount in all to four hundred and eighty. Such is the size of the city

of Babylon, and it had a magnificence greater than all other cities of

which we have knowledge. First there runs round it a trench deep and

broad and full of water; then a wall fifty royal cubits in thickness

and two hundred cubits in height: now the royal cubit is larger by three

fingers than the common cubit. 178

179. I must also tell in addition to this for what purpose the earth was

used, which was taken out of the trench, and in what manner the wall was

made. As they dug the trench they made the earth which was carried out

of the excavation into bricks, and having moulded enough bricks they

baked them in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot asphalt for mortar

and inserting reed mats at every thirty courses of brickwork, they built

up first the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same

manner: and at the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers

of one story facing one another; and between the rows of chambers they

left space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the circuit of the wall

there are set a hundred gates made of bronze throughout, and the

gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now there is another city distant from

Babylon a space of eight days' journey, of which the name is Is; and

there is a river there of no great size, and the name of the river is

also Is, and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates. This river Is

throws up together with its water lumps of asphalt in great abundance,

and thence was brought the asphalt for the wall of Babylon.

180. Babylon then was walled in this manner; and there are two divisions

of the city; for a river whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle.

This flows from the land of the Armenians and is large and deep and

swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian sea. The wall then on each

side has its bends 179 carried down to the river, and from this point

the walls stretch along each bank of the stream in the form of a rampart

of baked bricks: and the city itself is full of houses of three and

four stories, and the roads by which it is cut up run in straight lines,

including the cross roads which lead to the river; and opposite to each

road there were set gates in the rampart which ran along the river, in

many in number as the ways, 180 and these also were of bronze and led

like the ways 181 to the river itself.

181. This wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass 182

for the town, and another wall runs round within it, not much weaker for

defence than the first but enclosing a smaller space. 183 And in each

division of the city was a building in the midst, in the one the king's

palace of great extent and strongly fortified round, and in the other

the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still up to

my time and measures two furlongs each way, 184 being of a square shape:

and in the midst of the temple 185 is built a solid tower measuring a

furlong both in length and in breadth, and on this tower another tower

has been erected, and another again upon this, and so on up to the

number of eight towers. An ascent to these has been built running

outside round about all the towers; and when one reaches about the

middle of the ascent one finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon,

on which those who ascend sit down and rest: and on the top of the last

tower there is a large cell, 186 and in the cell a large couch is laid,

well covered, and by it is placed a golden table: and there is no image

there set up nor does any human being spend the night there except only

one woman of the natives of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose

from all the woman, as say the Chaldeans who are the priests of this

god.

182. These same men say also, but I do not believe them, that the god

himself comes often to the cell and rests upon the couch, as happens

likewise in the Egyptian Thebes according to the report of the

Egyptians, for there also a woman sleeps in the temple of the Theban

Zeus (and both these women are said to abstain from commerce with men),

and as happens also with the prophetess 187 of the god in Patara of

Lykia, whenever there is one, for there is not always an Oracle there,

but whenever there is one, then she is shut up during the nights in the

temple within the cell.

183. There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell below,

wherein is a great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it is

placed a large table of gold, and his footstool and seat are of gold

also; and, as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of the gold of which

these things are made is eight hundred talents. Outside this cell is

an altar of gold; and there is also another altar of great size, where

full-grown animals 188 are sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it

is not lawful to sacrifice any but young sucklings only: and also on the

larger altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of frankincense

every year at the time when they celebrate the feast in honour of this

god. There was moreover in these precincts still remaining at the time

of Cyrus, 189 a statue twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I

did not myself see, but that which is related by the Chaldeans I relate.

Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes formed a design, but

he did not venture to take it: it was taken however by Xerxes the son of

Dareios, who also killed the priest when he forbade him to meddle with

the statue. This temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and

there are also many private votive-offerings.

184. Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom I shall make

mention in the Assyrian history, and who added improvement to the walls

and temples, there were also two who were women. Of these, the one who

ruled first, named Semiramis, who lived five generations before the

other, produced banks of earth in the plain which are a sight worth

seeing; and before this the river used to flood like a sea over the

whole plain.

185. The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than

she who had reigned before; and in the first place she left behind her

monuments which I shall tell of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchy

of the Medes was great and not apt to remain still, but that besides

other cities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she made provision

against it in so far as she was able. First, as regards the river

Euphrates which flows through the midst of their city, whereas before

this it flowed straight, she by digging channels above made it so

winding that it actually comes three times in its course to one of the

villages in Assyria; and the name of the village to which the Euphrates

comes is Ardericca; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of

ours to Babylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates 18901 arrive

three times at this same village and on three separate days. This she

did thus; and she also piled up a mound along each bank of the river,

which is worthy to cause wonder for its size and height: and at a great

distance above Babylon, she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to

extend along at a very small distance from the river, 190 excavating it

everywhere of such depth as to come to water, and making the extent such

that the circuit of it measured four hundred and twenty furlongs: and

the earth which was dug out of this excavation she used up by piling it

in mounds along the banks of the river: and when this had been dug by

her she brought stones and set them all round it as a facing wall. Both

these two things she did, that is she made the river to have a winding

course, and she made the place which was dug out all into a swamp, in

order that the river might run more slowly, having its force broken

by going round many bends, and that the voyages might be winding to

Babylon, and after the voyages there might succeed a long circuit of the

pool. These works she carried out in that part where the entrance to the

country was, and the shortest way to it from Media, so that the Medes

might not have dealings with her kingdom and learn of her affairs.

186. These defences she cast round her city from the depth; and she made

the following addition which was dependent upon them:—The city was in

two divisions, and the river occupied the space between; and in the

time of the former rulers, when any one wished to pass over from the

one division to the other, he had to pass over in a boat, and that, as I

imagine, was troublesome: she however made provision also for this; for

when she was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monument

of herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused stones to be

cut of very great length, and when the stones were prepared for her and

the place had been dug out, she turned aside the whole stream of the

river into the place which she had been digging; and while this was

being filled with water, the ancient bed of the river being dried up in

the meantime, she both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion

as the wall the edges of the river, where it flows through the city, and

the places of descent leading from the small gateways to the river; and

also about the middle of the city, as I judge, with the stones which

she had caused to be dug out she proceeded to build a bridge, binding

together the stones with iron and lead: and upon the top she laid

squared timbers across, to remain there while it was daytime, over which

the people of Babylon made the passage across; but at night they used to

take away these timbers for this reason, namely that they might not go

backwards and forwards by night and steal from one another: and when the

place dug out had been made into a lake full of water by the river, and

at the same time the bridge had been completed, then she conducted the

Euphrates back into its ancient channel from the lake, and so the

place dug out being made into a swamp was thought to have served a good

purpose, and there had been a bridge set up for the men of the city.

187. This same queen also contrived a snare of the following kind:—Over

that gate of the city through which the greatest number of people passed

she set up for herself a tomb above the very gate itself. And on the

tomb she engraved writing which said thus: "If any of the kings of

Babylon who come after me shall be in want of wealth, let him open my

tomb and take as much as he desires; but let him not open it for any

other cause, if he be not in want; for that will not be well." 191 This

tomb was undisturbed until the kingdom came to Dareios; but to Dareios

it seemed that it was a monstrous thing not to make any use of this

gate, and also, when there was money lying there, not to take it,

considering that the money itself invited him to do so. Now the reason

why he would not make any use of this gate was because the corpse would

have been above his head as he drove through. He then, I say, opened the

tomb and found not indeed money but the corpse, with writing which said

thus: "If thou hadst not been insatiable of wealth and basely covetous,

thou wouldest not have opened the resting-places of the dead."

188. This queen then is reported to have been such as I have described:

and it was the son of this woman, bearing the same name as his father,

Labynetos, and being ruler over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus was

marching. Now the great king makes his marches not only well furnished

192 from home with provisions for his table and with cattle, but also

taking with him water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of

which alone and of no other river the king drinks: and of this water of

the Choaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled

and drawn by mules, carry a supply in silver vessels, and go with him

wherever he may march at any time.

189. Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the river

Gyndes,—of which river the springs are in the mountains of the

Matienians, and it flows through the Dardanians and runs into another

river, the Tigris, which flowing by the city of Opis runs out into the

Erythraian Sea,—when Cyrus, I say, was endeavouring to cross this river

Gyndes, which is a navigable stream, then one of his sacred white horses

in high spirit and wantonness went into the river and endeavoured to

cross, but the stream swept it under water and carried it off forthwith.

And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against the river for having done

thus insolently, and he threatened to make it so feeble that for the

future even women could cross it easily without wetting the knee. So

after this threat he ceased from his march against Babylon and divided

his army into two parts; and having divided it he stretched lines and

marked out straight channels, 193 one hundred and eighty on each bank of

the Gyndes, directed every way, and having disposed his army along them

he commanded them to dig: so, as a great multitude was working, the work

was completed indeed, but they spent the whole summer season at this

spot working.

190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river Gyndes by dividing it

into three hundred and sixty channels, and when the next spring was just

beginning, then at length he continued his advance upon Babylon: and

the men of Babylon had marched forth out of their city and were awaiting

him. So when in his advance he came near to the city, the Babylonians

joined battle with him, and having been worsted in the fight they were

shut up close within their city. But knowing well even before this that

Cyrus was not apt to remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every

nation equally, they had brought in provisions beforehand 194 for very

many years. So while these made no account of the siege, Cyrus was

in straits what to do, for much time went by and his affairs made no

progress onwards.

191. Therefore, whether it was some other man who suggested it to him

when he was in a strait what to do, or whether he of himself perceived

what he ought to do, he did as follows:—The main body of his army 195 he

posted at the place where the river runs into the city, and then again

behind the city he set others, where the river issues forth from the

city; and he proclaimed to his army that so soon as they should see that

the stream had become passable, they should enter by this way into the

city. Having thus set them in their places and in this manner exhorted

them he marched away himself with that part of his army which was not

fit for fighting: and when he came to the lake, Cyrus also did the same

things which the queen of the Babylonians had done as regards the river

and the lake; that is to say, he conducted the river by a channel into

the lake, which was at that time a swamp, and so made the former course

of the river passable by the sinking of the stream. When this had been

done in such a manner, the Persians who had been posted for this very

purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates into Babylon, the

stream having sunk so far that it reached about to the middle of a man's

thigh. Now if the Babylonians had had knowledge of it beforehand or had

perceived that which was being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed

196 the Persians to enter the city and then destroyed them miserably;

for if they had closed all the gates that led to the river and mounted

themselves upon the ramparts which were carried along the banks of the

stream, they would have caught them as it were in a fish-wheal: but as

it was, the Persians came upon them unexpectedly; and owing to the size

of the city (so it is said by those who dwell there) after those about

the extremities of the city had suffered capture, those Babylonians who

dwelt in the middle did not know that they had been captured; but

as they chanced to be holding a festival, they went on dancing and

rejoicing during this time until they learnt the truth only too well.

Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time:

192, and as to the resources of the Babylonians how great they are, I

shall show by many other proofs and among them also by this:—For the

support of the great king and his army, apart from the regular tribute

the whole land of which he is ruler has been distributed into portions.

Now whereas twelve months go to make up the year, for four of these he

has his support from the territory of Babylon, and for the remaining

eight months from the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian

land is in regard to resources the third part of all Asia: and the

government, or satrapy as it is called by the Persians, of this

territory is of all the governments by far the best; seeing that when

Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had this province from the king, there

came in to him every day an artab full of silver coin (now the artab

is a Persian measure and holds more than the medimnos of Attica 197 by

three Attic choinikes); and of horses he had in this province as his

private property, apart from the horses for use in war, eight hundred

stallions and sixteen thousand mares, for each of these stallions served

twenty mares: of Indian hounds moreover such a vast number were

kept that four large villages in the plain, being free from other

contributions, had been appointed to provide food for the hounds.

193. Such was the wealth which belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now

the land of the Assyrians has but little rain; and this little gives

nourishment to the root of the corn, but the crop is ripened and the ear

comes on by the help of watering from the river, not as in Egypt by the

coming up of the river itself over the fields, but the crop is watered

by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole Babylonian territory like

the Egyptian is cut up into channels, and the largest of the channels is

navigable for ships and runs in the direction of the sunrising in winter

from the Euphrates to another river, namely the Tigris, along the bank

of which lay the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we know

the best by far for producing corn: 198 as to trees, 199 it does

not even attempt to bear them, either fig or vine or olive, but for

producing corn it is so good that it s as much as two-hundred-fold

for the average, and when it bears at its best it produces

three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley there grow to

be full four fingers broad; and from millet and sesame seed how large

a tree grows, I know myself but shall not record, being well aware that

even what has already been said relating to the crops produced has been

enough to cause disbelief in those who have not visited the Babylonian

land. They use no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame

seed; and they have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of them

fruit-bearing, of which they make both solid food and wine and honey;

and to these they attend in the same manner as to fig-trees, and in

particular they take the fruit of those palms which the Hellenes call

male-palms, and tie them upon the date-bearing palms, so that their

gall-fly may enter into the date and ripen it and that the fruit of

the palm may not fall off: for the male-palm produces gall-flies in its

fruit just as the wild-fig does.

194. But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land after the

city itself, to my mind is this which I am about to tell: Their boats,

those I mean which go down the river to Babylon, are round and all of

leather: for they make ribs for them of willow which they cut in the

land of the Armenians who dwell above the Assyrians, and round these

they stretch hides which serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not

making broad the stern nor gathering in the prow to a point, but making

the boats round like a shield: and after that they stow the whole boat

with straw and suffer it to be carried down the stream full of cargo;

and for the most part these boats bring down casks of palm-wood 200

filled with wine. The boat is kept straight by two steering-oars and

two men standing upright, and the man inside pulls his oar while the man

outside pushes. 201 These vessels are made both of very large size and

also smaller, the largest of them having a burden of as much as five

thousand talents' weight; 202 and in each one there is a live ass, and

in those of larger size several. So when they have arrived at Babylon in

their voyage and have disposed of their cargo, they sell by auction the

ribs of the boat and all the straw, but they pack the hides upon their

asses and drive them off to Armenia: for up the stream of the river

it is not possible by any means to sail, owing to the swiftness of the

current; and for this reason they make their boats not of timber but

of hides. Then when they have come back to the land of the Armenians,

driving their asses with them, they make other boats in the same manner.

195. Such are their boats; and the following is the manner of dress

which they use, namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this

they put on another of wool, and then a white mantle thrown round, while

they have shoes of a native fashion rather like the Boeotian slippers.

They wear their hair long and bind their heads round with fillets, 203

and they are anointed over the whole of their body with perfumes. Each

man has a seal and a staff carved by hand, and on each staff is carved

either an apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle or some other device,

for it is not their custom to have a staff without a device upon it.

196. Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs which are

established among them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion being

this, which I am informed that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every

village once in each year it was done as follows:—When the maidens

204 grew to the age for marriage, they gathered these all together and

brought them in a body to one place, and round them stood a company of

men: and the crier caused each one severally to stand up, and proceeded

to sell them, first the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had

been sold and had fetched a large sum of money, he would put up another

who was the most comely after her: and they were sold for marriage. Now

all the wealthy men of the Babylonians who were ready to marry vied with

one another in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those however of

the common sort who were ready to marry did not require a fine form, but

they would accept money together with less comely maidens. For when the

crier had made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then

he would cause to stand up that one who was least shapely, or any one of

them who might be crippled in any way, and he would make proclamation

of her, asking who was willing for least gold to have her in marriage,

until she was assigned to him who was willing to accept least: and the

gold would be got from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those

of beautiful form provided dowries for those which were unshapely or

crippled; but to give in marriage one's own daughter to whomsoever each

man would, was not allowed, nor to carry off the maiden after buying her

without a surety; for it was necessary for the man to provide sureties

that he would marry her, before he took her away; and if they did not

agree well together, the law was laid down that he should pay back

the money. It was allowed also for any one who wished it to come from

another village and buy. This then was their most honourable custom; it

does not however still exist at the present time, but they have found

out of late another way, in order that the men may not ill-treat them or

take them to another city: 205 for since the time when being conquered

they were oppressed and ruined, each one of the common people when he is

in want of livelihood prostitutes his female children.

197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which was established

206 among them:—they bear out the sick into the market-place; for of

physicians they make no use. So people come up to the sick man and give

advice about his disease, if any one himself has ever suffered anything

like that which the sick man has, or saw any other who had suffered

it; and coming near they advise and recommend those means by which they

themselves got rid of a like disease or seen some other get rid of it:

and to pass by the sick man in silence is not permitted to them, nor

until one has asked what disease he has.

198. They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of lamentation

are similar to those used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian man has

intercourse with his wife, he sits by incense offered, and his wife does

the same on the other side, and when it is morning they wash themselves,

both of them, for they will touch no vessel until they have washed

themselves: and the Arabians do likewise in this matter.

199. Now the most shameful of the customs of the Babylonians is as

follows: every woman of the country must sit down in the precincts 207

of Aphrodite once in her life and have commerce with a man who is a

stranger: and many women who do not deign to mingle with the rest,

because they are made arrogant by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs

of horses in covered carriages, and so take their place, and a large

number of attendants follow after them; but the greater number do

thus,—in the sacred enclosure of Aphrodite sit great numbers of women

with a wreath of cord about their heads; some come and others go; and

there are passages in straight lines going between the women in every

direction, 208 through which the strangers pass by and make their

choice. Here when a woman takes her seat she does not depart again to

her house until one of the strangers has thrown a silver coin into her

lap and has had commerce with her outside the temple, and after throwing

it he must say these words only: "I demand thee in the name of the

goddess Mylitta": 209 now Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to

Aphrodite: and the silver coin may be of any value; whatever it is she

will not refuse it, for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this

coin is made sacred by the act: and she follows the man who has first

thrown and does not reject any: and after that she departs to her house,

having acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess 210, nor will you

be able thenceforth to give any gift so great as to win her. So then as

many as have attained to beauty and stature 211 are speedily released,

but those of them who are unshapely remain there much time, not being

able to fulfil the law; for some of them remain even as much as three or

four years: and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a custom similar to

this.

200. These customs then are established among the Babylonians: and there

are of them three tribes 212 which eat nothing but fish only: and when

they have caught them and dried them in the sun they do thus,—they

throw them into brine, and then pound them with pestles and strain them

through muslin; and they have them for food either kneaded into a soft

cake, or baked like bread, according to their liking.

201. When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus, he had a desire to

bring the Massagetai into subjection to himself. This nation is reputed

to be both great and warlike, and to dwell towards the East and the

sunrising, beyond the river Araxes and over against 213 the Issedonians:

and some also say that this nation is of Scythian race.

202. Now the Araxes is said by some to be larger and by others to be

smaller than the Ister: and they say that there are many islands in it

about equal in size to Lesbos, and in them people dwelling who feed in

the summer upon roots of all kinds which they dig up and certain fruits

from trees, which have been discovered by them for food, they store up,

it is said, in the season when they are ripe and feed upon them in the

winter. Moreover it is said that other trees have been discovered by

them which yield fruit of such a kind that when they have assembled

together in companies in the same place and lighted a fire, they sit

round in a circle and throw some of it into the fire, and they smell the

fruit which is thrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated by the scent

as the Hellenes are with wine, and when more of the fruit is thrown on

they become more intoxicated, until at last they rise up to dance and

begin to sing. This is said to be their manner of living: and as to the

river Araxes, it flows from the land of the Matienians, whence flows the

Gyndes which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels,

and it discharges itself by forty branches, of which all except one end

in swamps and shallow pools; and among them they say that men dwell who

feed on fish eaten raw, and who are wont to use as clothing the skins of

seals: but the one remaining branch of the Araxes flows with unimpeded

course into the Caspian Sea.

203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection with

the other Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Sea

beyond the Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are

in fact all one, but the Caspian is separate and lies apart by itself.

In length it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, 214 and

in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the side

towards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is of

all mountain-ranges both the greatest in extent and the loftiest: and

the Caucasus has many various races of men dwelling in it, living for

the most part on the wild produce of the forests; and among them

there are said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by

pounding them and mixing water with them they paint figures upon their

garments, and the figures do not wash out, but grow old with the woollen

stuff as if they had been woven into it at the first: and men say that

the sexual intercourse of these people is open like that of cattle.

204. On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus

is the boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain

succeeds which is of limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain

then the Massagetai occupy a large part, against whom Cyrus had become

eager to march; for there were many strong reasons which incited him to

it and urged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is to say

the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man,

and next the success which he had met with 215 in his wars, for

whithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible for that

nation to escape.

205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after

the death of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent

and wooed her, pretending that he desired to have her for his wife:

but Tomyris understanding that he was wooing not herself but rather

the kingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and Cyrus

after this, as he made no progress by craft, marched to the Araxes, and

proceeded to make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming

bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and building

towers upon the vessels which gave them passage across the river.

206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent a herald and

said thus: "O king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which

thou art now pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether these

things will be in the end for thy advantage or no; cease to do so, I

say, and be king over thine own people, and endure to see us ruling

those whom we rule. Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing

to receive this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be

at rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious to make trial of the

Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labour which thou hast in

yoking together the banks of the river, and cross over into our land,

when we have first withdrawn three days' journey from the river: or if

thou desirest rather to receive us into your land, do thou this same

thing thyself." Having heard this Cyrus called together the first men

among the Persians, and having gathered these together he laid the

matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to which

of the two things he should do: and their opinions all agreed in one,

bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into his country.

207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with this

opinion, declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth,

saying as follows: "O king, I told thee in former time also, that since

Zeus had given me over to thee, I would avert according to my power

whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy house: and now

my sufferings, which have been bitter, 216 have proved to be lessons of

wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal and that thou

dost command an army which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me

to declare to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou art

a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so likewise, then

learn this first, that for the affairs of men there is a revolving

wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons

always to have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the

matter laid before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we

shall consent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee this

danger in so doing:—if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt lose in addition

all thy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors they

will not turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy

realm; and on the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not

be victor so fully as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after

crossing over into their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled.

For against that which I said before I will set the same again here, and

say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against

the realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is

a disgrace and not to be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should

yield to a woman and so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems

good to me that we should cross over and go forward from the crossing as

far as they go in their retreat, and endeavour to get the better of

them by doing as follows:—The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without

experience of Persian good things, and have never enjoyed any great

luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle without stint and dress the meat

and set out for these men a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide

without stint bowls of unmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and

having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy army and let

the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards the river: for if I

am not mistaken in my judgment, they when they see a quantity of good

things will fall to the feast, and after that it remains for us to

display great deeds."

208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the

former opinion and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to

retire, as he was intending to cross over to her. She then proceeded to

retire, as she had at first engaged to do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus

into the hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give the

kingdom, and gave him charge earnestly to honour him and to treat him

well, if the crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be

prosperous. Having thus charged him and sent these away to the land of

the Persians, he crossed over the river both himself and his army.

209. And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw

a vision in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:—in his

sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes

having upon his shoulders wings, and that with the one of these he

overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son

of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son was

Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age,

and he had been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was

not yet of full age to go out to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he

considered with himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed

to him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having taken him

apart by himself he said: "Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting

against me and against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will

declare to thee:—The gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all

the evils that threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping

I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings, and with

the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To

judge by this vision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against

me. Do thou therefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take

care that, when I thither after having subdued these regions, thou set

thy son before me to be examined."

210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him;

but in fact the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was

destined to find his end there and that his kingdom was coming about

to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as follows: "O king, heaven

forbid 217 that there should be any man of Persian race who would plot

against thee, and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as

may be; seeing that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of

slaves, and to rule all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if

any vision announces to thee that my son is planning rebellion against

thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with him whatsoever thou wilt."

211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and having

crossed over the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keep

watch over his son Dareios for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile went forward

and made a march of one day from the Araxes according to the suggestion

of Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army 218 of

the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were unfit

for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of

the Massagetai came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not without

resistance, 219 those who were left behind of the army of Cyrus; and

seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had overcome their

enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food and wine

they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of

them, and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these the

son of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai;

and his name was Spargapises.

212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning the

army and also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus and

said as follows: "Cyrus, insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride

by this which has come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the

vine, with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the wine

descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream,—because

setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome my

son, and not by valour in fight. Now therefore receive the word which

I utter, giving thee good advice:—Restore to me my son and depart from

this land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the army of

the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee by the Sun,

who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of

blood, insatiable as thou art."

213. When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of

them; and the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left

him and he learnt in what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he

might be loosed from his chains and gained his request, and then so

soon as he was loosed and had got power over his hands he put himself to

death.

214. He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did

not listen to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle

with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I

judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened

thus:—first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and

afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one

another and engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and

so they continued to be in conflict with one another for a long time,

and neither side would flee; but at last the Massagetai got the better

in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was destroyed

there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there,

after he had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris

filled a skin with human blood and had search made among the Persian

dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head

down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the

same time this: "Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight,

nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I

according to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood." Now as regards

the end of the life of Cyrus there are many tales told, but this which I

have related is to my mind the most worthy of belief.

215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of

the Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs;

and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses

(for they have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers

and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220 and for

everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do

with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for

head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221 they employ

gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they put

breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridles and

bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use

not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in

abundance.

216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, but

they have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that

the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the

Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may

desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce

with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their

life, but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together

and slaughter him solemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after

that they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them

the happiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not

eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did

not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle

and on fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes;

moreover they are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun

alone, and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule 223 of the

sacrifice is this:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest

of all mortal things.

—————

NOTES TO BOOK I

1 [ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseos istories apodexis ede, os k.t.l.} The

meaning of the word {istorie} passes gradually from "research" or

"inquiry" to "narrative," "history"; cp. vii. 96. Aristotle in quoting

these words writes {Thouriou} for {'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of

Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch that this reading existed in his

time as a variation.]

2 [ Probably {erga} may here mean enduring monuments like the pyramids

and the works at Samos, cp. i. 93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te

alla} refers back to {ta genomena}, though the verb {epolemesan} derives

its subject from the mention of Hellenes and Barbarians in the preceding

clause.]

3 [ Many Editors have "with the Phenicians," on the authority of some

inferior MSS. and of the Aldine edition.]

4 [ {arpages}.]

401 [ "thus or in some other particular way."]

5 [ {Surion}, see ch. 72. Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish

{Surioi} from {Suroi}, and to use the first name for the Cappadokians

and the second for the people of Palestine, cp. ii. 104; but they are

naturally confused in the MSS.]

6 [ {ex epidromes arpage}.]

7 [ {tes anoigomenes thures}, "the door that is opened."]

8 [ Or "because she was ashamed."]

9 [ {phoitan}.]

10 [ {upeisdus}: Stein adopts the conjecture {upekdus}, "slipping out of

his hiding-place."]

11 [ This last sentence is by many regarded as an interpolation. The

line referred to is {Ou moi ta Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]

12 [ See v. 92.]

13 [ i.e. like other kings of Lydia who came after him.]

14 [ {Kolophonos to astu}, as opposed apparently to the acropolis, cp.

viii. 51.]

15 [ See ch. 73.]

16 [ {o kai esballon tenikauta es ten Milesien ten stratien}: an

allusion apparently to the invasions of the Milesian land at harvest

time, which are described above. All the operations mentioned in the

last chapter have been loosely described to Alyattes, and a correction

is here added to inform the reader that they belong equally to his

father. It will hardly mend matters much if we take {o Audos} in ch. 17

to include both father and son.]

17 [ {didaxanta}.]

18 [ This name is applied by Herodotus to the southern part of the

peninsula only.]

19 [ Tarentum.]

20 [ {en toisi edolioisi}: properly "benches," but probably here the

raised deck at the stern.]

21 [ {ou mega}: many of the MSS. have {mega}.]

22 [ {stadioi}: furlongs of about 606 English feet.]

23 [ {to epilogo}.]

24 [ This list of nations is by some suspected as an interpolation; see

Stein's note on the passage.]

25 [ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49, and iv. 95.]

26 [ {etheto}.]

27 [ {olbiotaton}.]

28 [ {stadious}.]

29 [ {romen}: many of the MSS. have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]

30 [ i.e. their mother: but some understand it to mean the goddess.]

31 [ {en telei touto eskhonto}.]

32 [ {anolbioi}.]

33 [ {eutukhees}.]

34 [ {aperos}: the MSS. have {apeiros}.]

35 [ {aikhme sideree blethenta}.]

36 [ "in the house of Croesus."]

37 [ {'Epistion}.]

38 [ {'Etaireion}.]

39 [ {suggrapsamenous}, i.e. have it written down by the {propsetes}

(see vii. 111 and viii. 37), who interpreted and put into regular verse

the inspired utterances of the prophetess {promantis}.]

40 [ {es to megaron}.]

41 [ {oida d' ego}: oracles often have a word of connection such as {de}

or {alla} at the beginning (cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate

that they are part of a larger connected utterance.]

42 [ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91 ("I accept the omen.")]

43 [ See viii. 134.]

44 [ {kai touton}, i.e. Amphiaraos: many Editors retain the readings of

the Aldine edition, {kai touto}, "that in this too he had found a true

Oracle."]

45 [ {emiplinthia}, the plinth being supposed to be square.]

46 [ {exapalaiota}, the palm being about three inches, cp. ii. 149.]

47 [ {apephthou khrusou}, "refined gold."]

48 [ {triton emitalanton}: the MSS. have {tria emitalanta}, which has

been corrected partly on the authority of Valla's translation.]

49 [ "white gold."]

50 [ Arranged evidently in stages, of which the highest consisted of the

4 half-plinths of pure gold, the second of 15 half-plinths, the third of

35, the fourth of 63, making 117 in all: see Stein's note.]

51 [ {elkon stathmon einaton emitalanton kai eti duodeka mneas}. The

{mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60 of them go to a talent.]

52 [ {epi tou proneiou tes gonies}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {epi}

seems to suggest some kind of raised corner-stone upon which the

offerings stood.]

53 [ The {amphoreus} is about 9 gallons.]

54 [ Cp. iii. 41.]

55 [ {perirranteria}.]

56 [ {kheumata}, which some translate "jugs" or "bowls."]

57 [ {umin}, as if both Oracles were being addressed together.]

58 [ i.e. Delphi.]

59 [ {enephoreeto}, "he filled himself with it."]

60 [ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would read {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in

Etruria), partly on the authority of Dionysius: see Stein's note. Two of

the best MSS. are defective in this part of the book.]

61 [ See ii. 51 and vi. 137.]

62 [ {auxetai es plethos ton ethneon pollon}: "has increased to a

multitude of its races, which are many." Stein and Abicht both venture

to adopt the conjecture {Pelasgon} for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially

being added to them, and also many other Barbarian nations."]

6201 [ {pros de on emoige dokeei}: the MSS. have {emoi te}. Some Editors

read {os de on} (Stein {prosthe de on}) for {pros de on}. This

whole passage is probably in some way corrupt, but it can hardly be

successfully emended.]

63 [ i.e. as it is of the Hellenic race before it parted from the

Pelasgian and ceased to be Barbarian.]

64 [ {katekhomenon te kai diespasmenon... upo Peisistratou}.

Peisistratos was in part at least the cause of the divisions.]

65 [ {paralon}.]

66 [ {uperakrion}.]

67 [ {toutous}: some read by conjecture {triekosious}, "three hundred,"

the number which he actually had according to Polyænus, i. 21.]

68 [ {doruphoroi}, the usual word for a body-guard.]

69 [ {perielaunomenos de te stasi}: Stein says "harassed by attacks

of his own party," but the passage to which he refers in ch. 61,

{katallasseto ten ekhthren toisi stasiotesi}, may be referred to in the

quarrel made with his party by Megacles when he joined Peisistratos.]

70 [ More literally, "since from ancient time the Hellenic race had been

marked off from the Barbarians as being more skilful and more freed from

foolish simplicity, (and) since at that time among the Athenians, who

are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability, these men devised a

trick as follows."]

71 [ The cubit is reckoned as 24 finger-breadths, i.e. about 18 inches.]

72 [ So Rawlinson.]

73 [ See v. 70.]

74 [ {dia endekatou eteos}. Not quite the same as {dia evdeka eteon}

("after an interval of eleven years"); rather "in the eleventh year"

(i.e. "after an interval of ten years").]

75 [ {thein pompe khreomenos}.]

76 [ For {'Akarnan} it has been suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because

this man is referred to as an Athenian by various writers. However

Acarnanians were celebrated for prophetic power, and he might be called

an Athenian as resident with Peisistratos at Athens.]

77 [ Or "for that part of the land from which the temple could be seen,"

but cp. Thuc. iii. 104. In either case the meaning is the same.]

7701 [ {enomotias kai triekadas kai sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the

primary division of the Spartan army: of the {triekas} nothing is known

for certain.]

78 [ {kibdelo}, properly "counterfeit": cp. ch. 75.]

79 [ {skhoino diametresamenoi}: whether actually, for the purpose of

distributing the work among them, or because the rope which fastened

them together lay on the ground like a measuring-tape, is left

uncertain.]

80 [ Cp. ix. 70.]

81 [ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere (that is in Homer) the word always means

"helper," and Stein translates it so here, "thou shalt be protector and

patron of Tegea" (in the place of Orestes). Mr. Woods explains it by

the parallel of such phrases as {Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean

"thou shalt be a helper (of the Lacedemonians) in the matter of Tegea,"

but this perhaps would be a form of address too personal to the

envoy, who is usually addressed in the second person, but only

as representative of those who sent him. The conjectural reading

{epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have him as a helper against Tegea,"

is tempting.]

82 [ {agathoergon}.]

83 [ This was to enable him the better to gain his ends at Tegea.]

84 [ Cp. ch. 51, note.]

85 [ See ch. 6.]

86 [ {euzono andri}: cp. ch. 104 and ii. 34. The word {euzonos} is used

of light-armed troops; Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]

87 [ {orgen ouk akros}: this is the reading of all the best MSS., and

it is sufficiently supported by the parallel of v. 124, {psukhen ouk

akros}. Most Editors however have adopted the reading {orgen akros}, as

equivalent to {akrakholos}, "quick-tempered."]

88 [ It has been suggested by some that this clause is not genuine.

It should not, however, be taken to refer to the battle which was

interrupted by the eclipse, for (1) that did not occur in the period

here spoken of; (2) the next clause is introduced by {de} (which can

hardly here stand for {gar}); (3) when the eclipse occurred the fighting

ceased, therefore it was no more a {nuktomakhin} than any other battle

which is interrupted by darkness coming on.]

89 [ See ch. 188. Nabunita was his true name.]

90 [ See ch. 107 ff.]

91 [ Not "somewhere near the city of Sinope," for it must have been at a

considerable distance and probably far inland. Sinope itself is at least

fifty miles to the west of the Halys. I take it to mean that Pteria was

nearly due south of Sinope, i.e. that the nearest road from Pteria to

the sea led to Sinope. Pteria no doubt was the name of a region as well

as of a city.]

92 [ {anastatous epoiese}.]

93 [ This is the son of the man mentioned in ch. 74.]

94 [ {us en autou xeinikos}. Stein translates "so much of it as was

mercenary," but it may be doubted if this is possible. Mr. Woods, "which

army of his was a foreign one."]

95 [ {Metros Dindumenes}, i.e. Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in

Phrygia.]

96 [ i.e. the whole strip of territory to the West of the peninsula

of Argolis, which includes Thyrea and extends southwards to Malea:

"westwards as far as Malea" would be absurd.]

97 [ {outos}: a conjectural emendation of {autos}.]

98 [ {autos}: some MSS. read {o autos}, "this same man."]

99 [ {aneneikamenon}, nearly equivalent to {anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il.

xix. 314), {mnesamenos d' adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate

it here, "he recovered himself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]

100 [ {ubristai}.]

101 [ {proesousi}: a conjectural emendation of {poiesousi}, adopted in

most of the modern editions.]

102 [ {touto oneidisai}: or {touton oneidisai}, "to reproach the god

with these things." The best MSS. have {touto}.]

103 [ {to kai... eipe ta eipe Loxias k.t.l.}: various emendations have

been proposed. If any one is to be adopted, the boldest would perhaps be

the best, {to de kai... eipe Loxias}.]

104 [ {oia te kai alle khore}, "such as other lands have."]

105 [ {stadioi ex kai duo plethra}.]

106 [ {plethra tria kai deka}.]

107 [ {Gugaie}.]

108 [ Or "Tyrrhenia."]

109 [ Or "Umbrians."]

110 [ {tes ano 'Asies}, i.e. the parts which are removed from the

Mediterranean.]

111 [ i.e. nature would not be likely to supply so many regularly

ascending circles. Stein alters the text so that the sentence runs thus,

"and whereas there are seven circles of all, within the last is the

royal palace," etc.]

112 [ i.e. "to laugh or to spit is unseemly for those in presence of

the king, and this last for all, whether in the presence of the king

or not." Cp. Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. 16, {aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti

Persais kai to apoptuein kai to apomuttesthai}, (quoted by Stein, who

however gives a different interpretation).]

113 [ {tauta de peri eouton esemnune}: the translation given is that of

Mr. Woods.]

114 [ {allos mentoi eouton eu ekontes}: the translation is partly due to

Mr. Woods.]

115 [ i.e. East of the Halys: see note on ch. 95.]

116 [ See iv. 12.]

117 [ Cp. ch. 72.]

118 [ {ten katuperthe odon}, i.e. further away from the Euxine

eastwards.]

119 [ {o theos}.]

120 [ {khoris men gar phoron}: many Editors substitute {phoron} for

{phoron}, but {phoron} may stand if taken not with {khoris} but with {to

ekastoisi epeballon}.]

121 [ Cp. ch. 184, "the Assyrian history."]

122 [ {uperthemenos}, a conjectural emendation of {upothemenos}, cp. ch.

108 where the MSS. give {uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written

above as a correction).]

123 [ Or "expose me to risk," "stake my safety."]

124 [ Or "thou wilt suffer the most evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]

12401 [ {tas aggelias pherein}, i.e. to have the office of

{aggeliephoros} (ch. 120) or {esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain

through whom communications passed.]

125 [ {dialabein}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]

126 [ {es tas anagkas}, "to the necessity," mentioned above.]

127 [ Or "to celebrate good fortune."]

128 [ {akreon kheiron te kai podon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to

omo ten kheira}.]

129 [ {esti te o pais kai periesti}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]

130 [ {erkhe}: a few inferior MSS. have {eikhe}, which is adopted by

several Editors.]

131 [ {para smikra... kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to trifles."]

132 [ {kuon}: cp. ch. 110.]

133 [ {su nun}, answering to {se gar theoi eporeousi}: the MSS. and some

Editors read {su nun}.]

134 [ i.e. of the race of Perses: see vii. 61.]

135 [ "how his change from a throne to slavery was as compared with that

feast, etc.," i.e. what did he think of it as a retribution.]

136 [ See ch. 106. The actual duration of the Median supremacy would be

therefore a hundred years.]

13601 [ This is by some altered to "Alilat," by comparison of iii. 8.]

137 [ {stemmasi}, i.e. the chaplets wound round with wool which were

worn at Hellenic sacrifices.]

138 [ {oulesi}.]

13801 [ Cp. vii. 61.]

139 [ {sitoisi}: perhaps "plain dishes."]

140 [ {proskuneei}, i.e. kisses his feet or the ground.]

141 [ {ton legomenon}, a correction of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean

MS. has {toi legomenoi} like the rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated by

Stein.)]

142 [ {ekhomenon, kata ton auton de logon}: the MSS. and most Editors

have {ekhomenon}. {kata ton auton de logon}; "and this same rule the

Persians observe in giving honour." This, however, makes it difficult

(though not impossible) to refer {to ethnos} in the next clause to the

Medes, and it can hardly be referred to the Persians, who certainly

had not the same system of government. Perhaps however we may translate

thus, "for each race extended forward thus their rule or their deputed

authority."]

143 [ Cp. vii. 194.]

144 [ {polloi}: omitted, or corrected variously, by Editors. There is,

perhaps, something wrong about the text in the next clause also, for it

seems clear that white doves were not objected to by the Persians. See

Stein's note.]

145 [ See ch. 95.]

146 [ These words, "neither those towards the East nor those towards the

West" have perhaps been interpolated as an explanation of {ta ano} and

{ta kato}. As an explanation they can hardly be correct, but the whole

passage is vaguely expressed.]

147 [ {tropous tesseras paragogeon}.]

148 [ i.e. the Asiatic Ionians who had formed a separate confederacy.

Some understand it to mean the Milesians, but this would give no

satisfactory connection with what follows.]

149 [ {pentapolios}.]

150 [ {exapolios}.]

151 [ {mesogaioi}. Several of the other cities are at some distance from

the coast, but the region is meant in each case rather than the city

(hence such forms as {Tritaiees}).]

152 [ {'Elikonio}.]

153 [ This is condemned as an interpolation by some Editors.]

154 [ {oreon de ekousan ouk omoios}.]

155 [ {katastas}: cp. iii. 46.]

156 [ {ktesamenoi}: Stein reads {stesamenoi} by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.]

157 [ {phrontizo me ariston e}. The translation is Rawlinson's.]

158 [ {kephale anamaxas}: cp. Hom. Od. xix. 92.]

159 [ {es tous Bragkhidas}, i.e. the priests of the temple. The name of

the place {Bragkhidai} is feminine, cp. ch. 92.]

160 [ {onax}, addressing Apollo.]

161 [ {exaipee tous strouthous k.t.l.} The verb is one which is commonly

used of the destruction and depopulation of cities, cp. ch. 176.

(Stein.)]

162 [ {tou de 'Atarneos toutou esti khoros tes Musies}.]

163 [ {ouk oligoi stadioi}.]

164 [ {katirosai}, i.e. dedicate it to the king as a token of

submission.]

165 [ i.e. Corsica.]

166 [ {anaphanenai}: the MSS. have {anaphenai}, which can only be

translated by supplying {ton ponton} from {katepontosan}, "till the sea

produced it again," but this is hardly satisfactory.]

167 [ {Karkhedonioi}.]

168 [ {elakhon te auton pollo pleious}. Several Editors suppose that

words have been lost or that the text is corrupt. I understand it to

mean that many more of them fell into the hands of the enemy than were

rescued by their own side. Some translate "divided most of them by lot";

but this would be {dielakhon}, and the proceeding would have no object

if the prisoners were to be put to death at once. For {pleious} Stein

reads {pleistous}.]

169 [ {ton Kurnon... ktisai eron eonta, all' ou ten neson}.]

170 [ {bouleuterion}.]

171 [ {outoi}: the MSS. have {outo}.]

172 [ {autokhthonas epeirotas}.]

173 [ Many Editors insert {oi} before {tes khores tes spheteres} and

alter the punctuation accordingly.]

174 [ Or "all their land came within the isthmus."]

175 [ {epexiontes}: the MSS. have {upexiontes}, which Mr. Woods explains

to mean "coming forth suddenly."]

176 [ {epexelthontes}: the MSS. have {upexelthontes}.]

177 [ {stadion}, and so throughout.]

178 [ The "royal cubit" appears to have measured about twenty-one

inches.]

179 [ {tous agkhonas}, the walls on the North and South of the city,

called so because built at an angle with the side walls.]

180 [ {laurai}, "lanes."]

181 [ {kai autai}, but perhaps the text is not sound.]

182 [ {thorex}, as opposed to the inner wall, which would be the

{kithon} (cp. vii. 139).]

183 [ {steinoteron}: Mr. Woods says "of less thickness," the top of the

wall being regarded as a road.]

184 [ {duo stadion pante}, i.e. 404 yards square.]

185 [ {tou irou}, i.e. the sacred precincts; cp. {en to temenei touto}.]

186 [ {neos}, the inner house of the temple.]

187 [ {promantis}.]

188 [ {ta telea ton probaton}.]

189 [ "at that time."]

18901 [ {katapleontes ton Euphreten}: the MSS. have {katapleontes es ton

E}. (It is not true, as stated by Abicht, that the Medicean MS. omits

{es}.)]

190 [ {oligon ti parateinousa apo tou potamou}.]

191 [ {ou gar ameinon}, an Epic phrase, cp. iii. 71 and 82.]

192 [ {eskeuasmenos}, a conjectural emendation of {eskeuasmenoisi},

"with provisions well prepared."]

193 [ {kateteine skhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}. Stein understands

{kateteine ten stratien} (resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he

extended his army, having first marked out channels straight by lines."]

194 [ {proesaxanto}, from {proesago}: it may be however from {prosatto},

"they had heaped together provisions for themselves beforehand."]

195 [ {ten stratien apasan}. Stein thinks that some correction is

needed.]

196 [ {oi d' an perudontes k.t.l.}: the MSS. have {oud' an perudontes},

"they would not even have allowed them to enter the city (from the

river)," but the negative is awkward referring to the participle alone,

and the admission of the enemy to the river-bed within the city would

have been an essential part of the scheme, not to be omitted in the

description.]

197 [ The Attic medimnos (= 48 choinikes) was rather less than 12

gallons.]

198 [ {ton tes Demetros karpon}.]

199 [ Stein supposes that words have fallen out before {ta gar de alla

dendrea}, chiefly because some mention of the palm-trees might have been

expected here.]

200 [ {phoinikeious}: some Editors (following Valla) have altered this

to {phoinikeiou} ("casks of palm-wine"), but it is not likely that

palm-wine would have been thus imported, see ch. 193.]

201 [ {kai o men eso elkei to plektron o de exo otheei}. I take it to

mean that there is one steering-oar on each side, and the "inside" is

the side nearer to the bank of the river. The current would naturally

run faster on the "outside" and consequently would tend to turn the boat

round, and therefore the inside oarsman pulls his oar constantly towards

himself and the outside man pushes his oar from himself (i.e. backs

water), to keep the boat straight. Various explanations are given. Stein

takes {eso, exo} with the verbs, "one draws the boat towards himself,

the other pushes it from himself." Mr. Woods understands that only one

oar is used at a time and by two men looking different ways, of whom {o

men eso} is he who stands nearest to the side of the boat.]

202 [ If the talents meant are Euboic, this would be about 170 tons.]

203 [ {mitresi}: cp. vii. 62.]

204 [ {os an ai parthenoi ginoiato}, equivalent to {osai aei parthenoi

ginoiato}, which Stein suggests as a correction.]

205 [ This sentence, "in order that—city," is thought by Stein to be

either interpolated or misplaced.]

206 [ {katestekee}: some Editors adopt the correction {katesteke}, "is

established."]

207 [ {iron}, afterwards called {temenos}.]

208 [ {panta tropon odon}: some MSS. have {odon} for {odon}, and {odon

ekhousi} might perhaps mean "afford a passage." (The reading of the

Medicean MS. is {odon}.)]

209 [ "I call upon Mylitta against thee"; or perhaps, "I call upon

Mylitta to be favourable to thee."]

210 [ {aposiosamene te theo}.]

211 [ {eideos te epammenai eisi kai megatheos}.]

212 [ {patriai}.]

213 [ {antion}.]

214 [ That is perhaps, "if one rows as well as sails," using oars when

the wind is not favourable, cp. ii. 11.]

215 [ {genomene}, or {ginomene}, "which he met with."]

216 [ {eonta akharita}: most of the MSS. have {ta eonta akharita}, with

which reading the sentence would be, "the sufferings which I have, have

proved bitter lessons of wisdom to me."]

217 [ {me eie}.]

218 [ {tou katharou stratou}, perhaps "the effective part," without the

encumbrances, cp. iv. 135.]

219 [ {alexomenous}.]

220 [ {sagaris nomizontes ekhein}: cp. iv. 5.]

221 [ {maskhalisteras}.]

222 [ {thuousi}.]

223 [ {nomos}: the conjecture {noos}, "meaning," which is adopted by

many Editors, may be right; but {nomos} seems to mean the "customary

rule" which determines this form of sacrifice, the rule namely of "swift

to the swift."]

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED EUTERPE

1. When Cyrus had brought his life to an end, Cambyses received the

royal power in succession, being the son of Cyrus and of Cassandane the

daughter of Pharnaspes, for whose death, which came about before his

own, Cyrus had made great mourning himself and also had proclaimed to

all those over whom he bore rule that they should make mourning for her:

Cambyses, I say, being the son of this woman and of Cyrus, regarded

the Ionians and Aiolians as slaves inherited from his father; and he

proceeded to march an army against Egypt, taking with him as helpers not

only the other nations of which he was the ruler, but also those of the

Hellenes over whom he had power besides.

2. Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psammetichos 1 became king

over them, were wont to suppose that they had come into being first of

all men; but since the time when Psammetichos having become king desired

to know what men had come into being first, they suppose that the

Phrygians came into being before themselves, but they themselves before

all other men. Now Psammetichos, when he was not able by inquiry to

find out any means of knowing who had come into being first of all men,

contrived a device of the following kind:—Taking two new-born children

belonging to persons of the common sort he gave them to a shepherd to

bring up at the place where his flocks were, with a manner of bringing

up such as I shall say, charging him namely that no man should utter any

word in their presence, and that they should be placed by themselves in

a room where none might come, and at the proper time he should bring to

them she-goats, and when he had satisfied them with milk he should do

for them whatever else was needed. These things Psammetichos did and

gave him this charge wishing to hear what word the children would let

break forth first, after they had ceased from wailings without sense.

And accordingly so it came to pass; for after a space of two years had

gone by, during which the shepherd went on acting so, at length, when

he opened the door and entered, both the children fell before him in

entreaty and uttered the word bekos, stretching forth their hands. At

first when he heard this the shepherd kept silence; but since this word

was often repeated, as he visited them constantly and attended to them,

at last he declared the matter to his master, and at his command he

brought the children before his face. Then Psammetichos having himself

also heard it, began to inquire about what nation of men named anything

bekos, and inquiring he found that the Phrygians had this name for

bread. In this manner and guided by an indication such as this, the

Egyptians were brought to allow that the Phrygians were a more ancient

people than themselves.

3. That so it came to pass I heard from the priests of that Hephaistos

who dwells at Memphis; 2 but the Hellenes relate, besides many other

idle tales, that Psammetichos cut out the tongues of certain women, and

then caused the children to live with these women.

With regard then to the rearing of the children they related so much as

I have said: and I heard also other things at Memphis when I had speech

with the priests of Hephaistos. Moreover I visited both Thebes and

Heliopolis 3 for this very cause, namely because I wished to know

whether the priests at these places would agree in their accounts with

those at Memphis; for the men of Heliopolis are said to be the most

learned in records of the Egyptians. Those of their narrations which I

heard with regard to the gods I am not earnest to relate in full, but

I shall name them only, 4 because I consider that all men are equally

ignorant of these matters: 5 and whatever things of them I may record, I

shall record only because I am compelled by the course of the story.

4. But as to those matters which concern men, the priests agreed with

one another in saying that the Egyptians were the first of all men on

earth to find out the course of the year, having divided the seasons

into twelve parts to make up the whole; and this they said they found

out from the stars: and they reckon to this extent more wisely than

the Hellenes, as it seems to me, inasmuch as the Hellenes throw in an

intercalated month every other year, to make the seasons right, whereas

the Egyptians, reckoning the twelve months at thirty days each, bring

in also every year five days beyond the number, and thus the circle of

their seasons is completed and comes round to the same point whence

it set out. They said moreover that the Egyptians were the first who

brought into use appellations for the twelve gods and the Hellenes took

up the use from them; and that they were the first who assigned altars

and images and temples to the gods, and who engraved figures on stones;

and with regard to the greater number of these things they showed me by

actual facts that they had happened so. They said also that the first

man 6 who became king of Egypt was Min; 7 and that in his time all Egypt

except the district of Thebes 8 was a swamp, and none of the regions

were then above water which now lie below the lake of Moiris, to which

lake it is a voyage of seven days up the river from the sea:

5, and I thought that they said well about the land; for it is manifest

in truth even to a person who has not heard it beforehand but has only

seen, at least if he have understanding, that the Egypt to which the

Hellenes come in ships is a land which has been won by the Egyptians as

an addition, and that it is a gift of the river: moreover the regions

which lie above this lake also for a distance of three days' sail, about

which they did not go on to say anything of this kind, are nevertheless

another instance of the same thing: for the nature of the land of Egypt

is as follows:—First when you are still approaching it in a ship and are

distant a day's run from the land, if you let down a sounding-line you

will bring up mud and will find yourself in eleven fathoms. This then so

far shows that there is a silting forward of the land.

6. Then secondly, as to Egypt itself, the extent of it along the sea is

sixty schoines, according to our definition of Egypt as extending from

the Gulf of Plinthine to the Serbonian lake, along which stretches Mount

Casion; from this lake then 9 the sixty schoines are reckoned: for those

of men who are poor in land have their country measured by fathoms,

those who are less poor by furlongs, those who have much land by

parasangs, and those who have land in very great abundance by schoines:

now the parasang is equal to thirty furlongs, and each schoine, which

is an Egyptian measure, is equal to sixty furlongs. So there would be

an extent of three thousand six hundred furlongs for the coast-land of

Egypt. 10

7. From thence and as far as Heliopolis inland Egypt is broad, and the

land is all flat and without springs of water 11 and formed of mud: and

the road as one goes inland from the sea to Heliopolis is about the

same in length as that which leads from the altar of the twelve gods at

Athens to Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus: reckoning up you would

find the difference very small by which these roads fail of being equal

in length, not more indeed than fifteen furlongs; for the road from

Athens to Pisa wants fifteen furlongs of being fifteen hundred, while

the road to Heliopolis from the sea reaches that number completely.

8. From Heliopolis however, as you go up, Egypt is narrow; for on the

one side a mountain-range belonging to Arabia stretches along by the

side of it, going in a direction from North towards the midday and the

South Wind, tending upwards without a break to that which is called the

Erythraian Sea, in which range are the stone-quarries which were used

in cutting stone for the pyramids at Memphis. On this side then the

mountain ends where I have said, and then takes a turn back; 12 and

where it is widest, as I was informed, it is a journey of two months

across from East to West; and the borders of it which turn towards the

East are said to produce frankincense. Such then is the nature of this

mountain-range; and on the side of Egypt towards Libya another range

extends, rocky and enveloped in sand: in this are the pyramids, and it

runs in the same direction as those parts of the Arabian mountains which

go towards the midday. So then, I say, from Heliopolis the land has no

longer a great extent so far as it belongs to Egypt, 13 and for about

four 14 days' sail up the river Egypt properly so called is narrow:

and the space between the mountain-ranges which have been mentioned is

plain-land, but where it is narrowest it did not seem to me to exceed

two hundred furlongs from the Arabian mountains to those which are

called the Libyan. After this again Egypt is broad.

9. Such is the nature of this land: and from Heliopolis to Thebes is

a voyage up the river of nine days, and the distance of the journey in

furlongs is four thousand eight hundred and sixty, the number of the

schoines being eighty-one. If these measures of Egypt in furlongs be put

together the result is as follows:—I have already before this shown

that the distance along the sea amounts to three thousand six hundred

furlongs, and I will now declare what the distance is inland from the

sea to Thebes, namely six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs: and

again the distance from Thebes to the city called Elephantine is one

thousand eight hundred furlongs.

10. Of this land then, concerning which I have spoken, it seemed to

myself also, according as the priests said, that the greater part had

been won as an addition by the Egyptians; for it was evident to me that

the space between the aforesaid mountain-ranges, which lie above the

city of Memphis, once was a gulf of the sea, like the regions about

Ilion and Teuthrania and Ephesos and the plain of the Maiander, if it

be permitted to compare small things with great; and small these are in

comparison, for of the rivers which heaped up the soil in those regions

none is worthy to be compared in volume with a single one of the mouths

of the Nile, which has five mouths. 15 Moreover there are other rivers

also, not in size at all equal to the Nile, which have performed great

feats; of which I can mention the names of several, and especially the

Acheloös, which flowing through Acarnania and so issuing out into the

sea has already made half of the Echinades from islands into mainland.

11. Now there is in the land of Arabia, not far from Egypt, a gulf of

the sea running in from that which is called the Erythraian Sea, very

long and narrow, as I am about to tell. With respect to the length of

the voyage along it, one who set out from the innermost point to sail

out through it into the open sea, would spend forty days upon the

voyage, using oars; 16 and with respect to breadth, where the gulf is

broadest it is half a day's sail across: and there is in it an ebb and

flow of tide every day. Just such another gulf I suppose that Egypt was,

and that the one ran in towards Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, and the

other, the Arabian, of which I am about to speak, 17 tended from the

South towards Syria, the gulfs boring in so as almost to meet at their

extreme points, and passing by one another with but a small space left

between. If then the stream of the Nile should turn aside into this

Arabian gulf, what would hinder that gulf from being filled up with silt

as the river continued to flow, at all events within a period of twenty

thousand years? indeed for my part I am of opinion that it would be

filled up even within ten thousand years. How, then, in 18 all the time

that has elapsed before I came into being should not a gulf be filled up

even of much greater size than this by a river so great and so active?

12. As regards Egypt then, I both believe those who say that things

are so, and for myself also I am strongly of opinion that they are so;

because I have observed that Egypt runs out into the sea further than

the adjoining land, and that shells are found upon the mountains of it,

and an efflorescence of salt forms upon the surface, so that even

the pyramids are being eaten away by it, and moreover that of all the

mountains of Egypt, the range which lies above Memphis is the only one

which has sand: besides which I notice that Egypt resembles neither the

land of Arabia, which borders upon it, nor Libya, nor yet Syria (for

they are Syrians who dwell in the parts of Arabia lying along the sea),

but that it has soil which is black and easily breaks up, 19 seeing that

it is in truth mud and silt brought down from Ethiopia by the river: but

the soil of Libya, we know, is reddish in colour and rather sandy, while

that of Arabia and Syria is somewhat clayey and rocky. 1901

13. The priests also gave me a strong proof concerning this land as

follows, namely that in the reign of king Moiris, whenever the river

reached a height of at least eight cubits 20 it watered Egypt below

Memphis; and not yet nine hundred years had gone by since the death of

Moiris, when I heard these things from the priests: now however, unless

the river rises to sixteen cubits, or fifteen at the least, it does not

go over the land. I think too that those Egyptians who dwell below the

lake of Moiris and especially in that region which is called the Delta,

if that land continues to grow in height according to this proportion

and to increase similarly in extent, 21 will suffer for all remaining

time, from the Nile not overflowing their land, that same thing which

they themselves said that the Hellenes would at some time suffer: for

hearing that the whole land of the Hellenes has rain and is not watered

by rivers as theirs is, they said that the Hellenes would at some time

be disappointed of a great hope and would suffer the ills of famine.

This saying means that if the god 22 shall not send them rain, but shall

allow drought to prevail for a long time, the Hellenes will be destroyed

by hunger; for they have in fact no other supply of water to save them

except from Zeus alone.

14. This has been rightly said by the Egyptians with reference to

the Hellenes: but now let me tell how matters are with the Egyptians

themselves in their turn. If, in accordance with what I before said,

their land below Memphis (for this is that which is increasing) shall

continue to increase in height according to the same proportion as in

past time, assuredly those Egyptians who dwell here will suffer famine,

if their land shall not have rain nor the river be able to go over their

fields. It is certain however that now they gather in fruit from the

earth with less labour than any other men and also with less than the

other Egyptians; for they have no labour in breaking up furrows with a

plough nor in hoeing nor in any other of those labours which other men

have about a crop; but when the river has come up of itself and watered

their fields and after watering has left them again, then each man sows

his own field and turns into it swine, and when he has trodden the

seed into the ground by means of the swine, after that he waits for the

harvest; and when he has threshed the corn by means of the swine, then

he gathers it in.

15. If we desire to follow the opinions of the Ionians as regards Egypt,

who say that the Delta alone is Egypt, reckoning its sea-coast to be

from the watch-tower called of Perseus to the fish-curing houses of

Pelusion, a distance of forty schoines, and counting it to extend inland

as far as the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile divides and runs to

Pelusion and Canobos, while as for the rest of Egypt, they assign it

partly to Libya and partly to Arabia,—if, I say, we should follow this

account, we should thereby declare that in former times the Egyptians

had no land to live in; for, as we have seen, their Delta at any rate

is alluvial, and has appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians

themselves say and as my opinion is. If then at the first there was no

land for them to live in, why did they waste their labour to prove that

they had come into being before all other men? They needed not to have

made trial of the children to see what language they would first utter.

However I am not of opinion that the Egyptians came into being at the

same time as that which is called by the Ionians the Delta, but that

they existed always ever since the human race came into being, and that

as their land advanced forwards, many of them were left in their first

abodes and many came down gradually to the lower parts. At least it is

certain that in old times Thebes had the name of Egypt, and of this 23

the circumference measures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.

16. If then we judge aright of these matters, the opinion of the Ionians

about Egypt is not sound: but if the judgment of the Ionians is right, I

declare that neither the Hellenes nor the Ionians themselves know how

to reckon since they say that the whole earth is made up of three

divisions, Europe, Asia, and Libya: for they ought to count in addition

to these the Delta of Egypt, since it belongs neither to Asia nor to

Libya; for at least it cannot be the river Nile by this reckoning which

divides Asia from Libya, 24 but the Nile is cleft at the point of this

Delta so as to flow round it, and the result is that this land would

come between Asia and Libya. 25

17. We dismiss then the opinion of the Ionians, and express a judgment

of our own in this matter also, that Egypt is all that land which is

inhabited by Egyptians, just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited by

Kilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited by Assyrians, and we

know of no boundary properly speaking between Asia and Libya except

the borders of Egypt. If however we shall adopt the opinion which is

commonly held by the Hellenes, we shall suppose that the whole of Egypt,

beginning from the Cataract 26 and the city of Elephantine, is divided

into two parts and that it thus partakes of both the names, since one

side will thus belong to Libya and the other to Asia; for the Nile from

the Cataract onwards flows to the sea cutting Egypt through the midst;

and as far as the city of Kercasoros the Nile flows in one single

stream, but from this city onwards it is parted into three ways; and

one, which is called the Pelusian mouth, turns towards the East; the

second of the ways goes towards the West, and this is called the Canobic

mouth; but that one of the ways which is straight runs thus,—when the

river in its course downwards comes to the point of the Delta, then it

cuts the Delta through the midst and so issues out to the sea. In this

we have 27 a portion of the water of the river which is not the smallest

nor the least famous, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. There are

also two other mouths which part off from the Sebennytic and go to

the sea, and these are called, one the Saïtic, the other the Mendesian

mouth. The Bolbitinitic and Bucolic mouths, on the other hand, are not

natural but made by digging.

18. Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon bears witness

in support of my opinion that Egypt is of the extent which I declare it

to be in my account; and of this answer I heard after I had formed my

own opinion about Egypt. For those of the city of Marea and of Apis,

dwelling in the parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion

themselves that they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also being

burdened by the rules of religious service, because they desired not to

be debarred from the use of cows' flesh, sent to Ammon saying that they

had nought in common with the Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the

Delta and agreed with them in nothing; and they said they desired that

it might be lawful for them to eat everything without distinction. The

god however did not permit them to do so, but said that that land which

was Egypt which the Nile came over and watered, and that those were

Egyptians who dwelling below the city of Elephantine drank of that

river. Thus it was answered to them by the Oracle about this:

19, and the Nile, when it is in flood, goes over not only the Delta

but also of the land which is called Libyan and of that which is called

Arabian sometimes as much as two days' journey on each side, and at

times even more than this or at times less.

As regards the nature of the river, neither from the priests nor

yet from any other man was I able to obtain any knowledge: and I was

desirous especially to learn from them about these matters, namely

why the Nile comes down increasing in volume from the summer solstice

onwards for a hundred days, and then, when it has reached the number of

these days, turns and goes back, failing in its stream, so that through

the whole winter season it continues to be low, and until the summer

solstice returns. Of none of these things was I able to receive any

account from the Egyptians, when I inquired of them what power the Nile

has whereby it is of a nature opposite to that of other rivers. And

I made inquiry, desiring to know both this which I say and also why,

unlike all other rivers, it does not give rise to any breezes blowing

from it.

20. However some of the Hellenes who desired to gain distinction for

cleverness have given an account of this water in three different ways:

two of these I do not think it worth while even to speak of except only

to indicate their nature; of which the one says that the Etesian Winds

are the cause that makes the river rise, by preventing the Nile from

flowing out into the sea. But often the Etesian Winds fail and yet the

Nile does the same work as it is wont to do; and moreover, if these were

the cause, all the other rivers also which flow in a direction opposed

to the Etesian Winds ought to have been affected in the same way as the

Nile, and even more, in as much as they are smaller and present to them

a feebler flow of stream: but there are many of these rivers in Syria

and many also in Libya, and they are affected in no such manner as the

Nile.

21. The second way shows more ignorance than that which has been

mentioned, and it is more marvellous to tell; 28 for it says that the

river produces these effects because it flows from the Ocean, and that

the Ocean flows round the whole earth.

22. The third of the ways is much the most specious, but nevertheless it

is the most mistaken of all: for indeed this way has no more truth in

it than the rest, alleging as it does that the Nile flows from melting

snow; whereas it flows out of Libya through the midst of the Ethiopians,

and so comes out into Egypt. How then should it flow from snow, when it

flows from the hottest parts to those which are cooler? And indeed most

of the facts are such as to convince a man (one at least who is capable

of reasoning about such matters), that it is not at all likely that it

flows from snow. 29 The first and greatest evidence is afforded by the

winds, which blow hot from these regions; the second is that the land

is rainless always and without frost, whereas after snow has fallen rain

must necessarily come within five days, so that if it snowed in those

parts rain would fall there; the third evidence is afforded by the

people dwelling there, who are of a black colour by reason of the

burning heat. Moreover kites and swallows remain there through the year

and do not leave the land; and cranes flying from the cold weather which

comes on in the region of Scythia come regularly to these parts for

wintering: if then it snowed ever so little in that land through which

the Nile flows and in which it has its rise, none of these things would

take place, as necessity compels us to admit.

23. As for him who talked about the Ocean, he carried his tale into the

region of the unknown, and so he need not be refuted; 30 since I for my

part know of no river Ocean existing, but I think that Homer or one of

the poets who were before him invented the name and introduced it into

his verse.

24. If however after I have found fault with the opinions proposed, I

am bound to declare an opinion of my own about the matters which are in

doubt, I will tell what to my mind is the reason why the Nile increases

in the summer. In the winter season the Sun, being driven away from

his former path through the heaven 31 by the stormy winds, comes to the

upper parts of Libya. If one would set forth the matter in the shortest

way, all has now been said; for whatever region this god approaches most

and stands directly above, this it may reasonably be supposed is most in

want of water, and its native streams of rivers are dried up most.

25. However, to set it forth at greater length, thus it is:—the Sun

passing in his course by the upper parts of Libya, does thus, that is to

say, since at all times the air in those parts is clear and the country

is warm, because there are no cold winds, 32 in passing through it the

Sun does just as he was wont to do in the summer, when going through the

midst of the heaven, that is he draws to himself the water, and having

drawn it he drives it away to the upper parts of the country, and the

winds take it up and scattering it abroad melt it into rain; so it is

natural that the winds which blow from this region, namely the South

and South-west Winds, should be much the most rainy of all the winds. I

think however that the Sun does not send away from himself all the water

of the Nile of each year, but that he also lets some remain behind with

himself. Then when the winter becomes milder, the Sun returns back again

to the midst of the heaven, and from that time onwards he draws equally

from all rivers; but in the meanwhile they flow in large volume, since

water of rain mingles with them in great quantity, because their country

receives rain then and is filled with torrent streams. In summer however

they are weak, since not only the showers of rain fail then, but also

they are drawn by the Sun. The Nile however, alone of all rivers, not

having rain and being drawn by the Sun, naturally flows during this time

of winter in much less than its proper volume, that is much less than in

summer; 33 for then it is drawn equally with all the other waters, but

in winter it bears the burden alone. Thus I suppose the Sun to be the

cause of these things.

26. He is also the cause in my opinion that the air in these parts is

dry, since he makes it so by scorching up his path through the heaven:

34 thus summer prevails always in the upper parts of Libya. If however

the station of the seasons had been changed, and where now in the heaven

are placed the North Wind and winter, there was the station of the South

Wind and of the midday, and where now is placed the South Wind, there

was the North, if this had been so, the Sun being driven from the midst

of the heaven by the winter and the North Wind would go to the upper

parts of Europe, just as now he comes to the upper parts of Libya, and

passing in his course throughout the whole of Europe I suppose that he

would do to the Ister that which he now works upon the Nile.

27. As to the breeze, why none blows from the river, my opinion is that

from very hot places it is not natural that anything should blow, and

that a breeze is wont to blow from something cold.

28. Let these matters then be as they are and as they were at the first:

but as to the sources of the Nile, not one either of the Egyptians or of

the Libyans or of the Hellenes, who came to speech with me, professed to

know anything, except the scribe of the sacred treasury of Athene at the

city of Saïs in Egypt. To me however this man seemed not to be speaking

seriously when he said that he had certain knowledge of it; and he said

as follows, namely that there were two mountains of which the tops ran

up to a sharp point, situated between the city of Syene, which is in

the district of Thebes, and Elephantine, and the names of the mountains

were, of the one Crophi and of the other Mophi. From the middle between

these two mountains flowed (he said) the sources of the Nile, which were

fathomless in depth, and half of the water flowed to Egypt and towards

the North Wind, the other half to Ethiopia and the South Wind. As for

the fathomless depth of the source, he said that Psammetichos king of

Egypt came to a trial of this matter; for he had a rope twisted of many

thousands of fathoms and let it down in this place, and it found no

bottom. By this the scribe (if this which he told me was really as he

said) gave me to understand 35 that there were certain strong eddies

there and a backward flow, and that since the water dashed against the

mountains, therefore the sounding-line could not come to any bottom when

it was let down.

29. From no other person was I able to learn anything about this matter;

but for the rest I learnt so much as here follows by the most diligent

inquiry; 36 for I went myself as an eye-witness as far as the city of

Elephantine and from that point onwards I gathered knowledge by report.

From the city of Elephantine as one goes up the river there is country

which slopes steeply; so that here one must attach ropes to the vessel

on both sides, as one fastens an ox, and so make one's way onward;

and if the rope break, the vessel is gone at once, carried away by the

violence of the stream. Through this country it is a voyage of about

four days in length, and in this part the Nile is winding like the river

Maiander, and the distance amounts to twelve schoines, which one must

traverse in this manner. Then you will come to a level plain, in which

the Nile flows round an island named Tachompso. (Now in the regions

above Elephantine there dwell Ethiopians at once succeeding, who also

occupy half of the island, 37 and Egyptians the other half.) Adjoining

this island there is a great lake, round which dwell Ethiopian nomad

tribes; and when you have sailed through this you will come to the

stream of the Nile again, which flows into this lake. After this you

will disembark and make a journey by land of forty days; for in the Nile

sharp rocks stand forth out of the water, and there are many reefs, by

which it is not possible for a vessel to pass. Then after having passed

through this country in the forty days which I have said, you will

embark again in another vessel and sail for twelve days; and after this

you will come to a great city called Meroe. This city is said to be

the mother-city of all the other Ethiopians: and they who dwell in it

reverence of the gods Zeus and Dionysos alone, and these they greatly

honour; and they have an Oracle of Zeus established, and make warlike

marches whensoever this god commands them by prophesyings and to

whatsoever place he commands.

30. Sailing from this city you will come to the "Deserters" in another

period of time equal to that in which you came from Elephantine to the

mother-city of the Ethiopians. Now the name of these "Deserters" is

Asmach, and this word signifies, when translated into the tongue of the

Hellenes, "those who stand on the left hand of the king." These were two

hundred and forty thousand Egyptians of the warrior class, who revolted

and went over to the Ethiopians for the following cause:—In the reign of

Psammetichos garrisons were set, one towards the Ethiopians at the city

of Elephantine, another towards the Arabians and Assyrians at Daphnai

of Pelusion, and another towards Libya at Marea: and even in my own

time the garrisons of the Persians too are ordered in the same manner as

these were in the reign of Psammetichos, for both at Elephantine and at

Daphnai the Persians have outposts. The Egyptians then of whom I speak

had served as outposts for three years and no one relieved them from

their guard; accordingly they took counsel together, and adopting a

common plan they all in a body revolted from Psammetichos and set out

for Ethiopia. Hearing this Psammetichos set forth in pursuit, and when

he came up with them he entreated them much and endeavoured to persuade

them not to desert the gods of their country and their children and

wives: upon which it is said that one of them pointed to his privy

member and said that wherever this was, there would they have both

children and wives. When these came to Ethiopia they gave themselves

over to the king of the Ethiopians; and he rewarded them as

follows:—there were certain of the Ethiopians who had come to be at

variance with him; and he bade them drive these out and dwell in their

land. So since these men settled in the land of the Ethiopians, the

Ethiopians have come to be of milder manners, from having learnt the

customs of the Egyptians.

31. The Nile then, besides that part of its course which is in Egypt,

is known as far as a four months' journey by river and land: for that is

the number of months which are found by reckoning to be spent in going

from Elephantine to these "Deserters": and the river runs from the West

and the setting of the sun. But what comes after that no one can clearly

say; for this land is desert by reason of the burning heat.

32. Thus much however I heard from men of Kyrene, who told me that they

had been to the Oracle of Ammon, and had come to speech with Etearchos

king of the Ammonians: and it happened that after speaking of other

matters they fell to discourse about the Nile and how no one knew the

sources of it; and Etearchos said that once there had come to him men of

the Nasamonians (this is a Libyan race which dwells in the Syrtis,

and also in the land to the East of the Syrtis reaching to no great

distance), and when the Nasamonians came and were asked by him whether

they were able to tell him anything more than he knew about the desert

parts of Libya, they said that there had been among them certain sons of

chief men, who were of unruly disposition; and these when they grew up

to be men had devised various other extravagant things and also they

had told off by lot five of themselves to go to see the desert parts

of Libya and to try whether they could discover more than those who had

previously explored furthest: for in those parts of Libya which are by

the Northern Sea, beginning from Egypt and going as far as the headland

of Soloeis, which is the extreme point of Libya, Libyans (and of them

many races) extend along the whole coast, except so much as the Hellenes

and Phenicians hold; but in the upper parts, which lie above the

sea-coast and above those people whose land comes down to the sea, Libya

is full of wild beasts; and in the parts above the land of wild beasts

it is full of sand, terribly waterless and utterly desert. These young

men then (said they), being sent out by their companions well furnished

with supplies of water and provisions, went first through the inhabited

country, and after they had passed through this they came to the country

of wild beasts, and after this they passed through the desert, making

their journey towards the West Wind; and having passed through a great

tract of sand in many days, they saw at last trees growing in a level

place; and having come up to them, they were beginning to pluck the

fruit which was upon the trees: but as they began to pluck it, there

came upon them small men, of less stature than men of the common size,

and these seized them and carried them away; and neither could the

Nasamonians understand anything of their speech nor could those who were

carrying them off understand anything of the speech of the Nasamonians:

and they led them (so it was said) through very great swamps, and after

passing through these they came to a city in which all the men were in

size like those who carried them off and in colour of skin black; and

by the city ran a great river, which ran from the West towards the

sunrising, and in it were seen crocodiles.

33. Of the account given by Etearchos the Ammonian let so much suffice

as is here said, except that, as the men of Kyrene told me, he alleged

that the Nasamonians returned safe home, and that the people to whom

they had come were all wizards. Now this river which ran by the city,

Etearchos conjectured to be the Nile, and moreover reason compels us to

think so; for the Nile flows from Libya and cuts Libya through in the

midst, and as I conjecture, judging of what is not known by that which

is evident to the view, it starts at a distance from its mouth equal to

that of the Ister: for the river Ister begins from the Keltoi and the

city of Pyrene and so runs that it divides Europe in the midst (now

the Keltoi are outside the Pillars of Heracles and border upon the

Kynesians, who dwell furthest towards the sunset of all those who have

their dwelling in Europe); and the Ister ends, having its course through

the whole of Europe, by flowing into the Euxine Sea at the place where

the Milesians have their settlement of Istria.

34. Now the Ister, since it flows through land which is inhabited, is

known by the reports of many; but of the sources of the Nile no one

can give an account, for the part of Libya through which it flows is

uninhabited and desert. About its course however so much as it was

possible to learn by the most diligent inquiry has been told; and it

runs out into Egypt. Now Egypt lies nearly opposite to the mountain

districts of Kilikia; and from thence to Sinope, which lies upon the

Euxine Sea, is a journey in the same straight line of five days for

a man without encumbrance; 3701 and Sinope lies opposite to the place

where the Ister runs out into the sea: thus I think that the Nile passes

through the whole of Libya and is of equal measure with the Ister.

Of the Nile then let so much suffice as has been said.

35. Of Egypt however I shall make my report at length, because it has

wonders more in number than any other land, and works too it has to show

as much as any land, which are beyond expression great: for this reason

then more shall be said concerning it.

The Egyptians in agreement with their climate, which is unlike any

other, and with the river, which shows a nature different from all other

rivers, established for themselves manners and customs in a way opposite

to other men in almost all matters: for among them the women frequent

the market and carry on trade, while the men remain at home and weave;

and whereas others weave pushing the woof upwards, the Egyptians push

it downwards: the men carry their burdens upon their heads and the

women upon their shoulders: the women make water standing up and the

men crouching down: they ease themselves in their houses and they eat

without in the streets, alleging as reason for this that it is right

to do secretly the things that are unseemly though necessary, but those

which are not unseemly, in public: no woman is a minister either of male

or female divinity, but men of all, both male and female: to support

their parents the sons are in no way compelled, if they do not desire

to do so, but the daughters are forced to do so, be they never so

unwilling.

36. The priests of the gods in other lands wear long hair, but in Egypt

they shave their heads: among other men the custom is that in mourning

those whom the matter concerns most nearly have their hair cut short,

but the Egyptians, when deaths occur, let their hair grow long, both

that on the head and that on the chin, having before been close shaven:

other men have their daily living separated from beasts, but the

Egyptians have theirs together with beasts: other men live on wheat and

barley, but to any one of the Egyptians who makes his living on these it

is a great reproach; they make their bread of maize, 38 which some call

spelt; 39 they knead dough with their feet and clay with their hands,

with which also they gather up dung: and whereas other men, except

such as have learnt otherwise from the Egyptians, have their members as

nature made them, the Egyptians practise circumcision: as to garments,

the men wear two each and the women but one: and whereas others make

fast the rings and ropes of the sails outside the ship, the Egyptians

do this inside: finally in the writing of characters and reckoning with

pebbles, while the Hellenes carry the hand from the left to the right,

the Egyptians do this from the right to the left; and doing so they say

that they do it themselves rightwise and the Hellenes leftwise: and they

use two kinds of characters for writing, of which the one kind is called

sacred and the other common. 40

37. They are religious excessively beyond all other men, and with regard

to this they have customs as follows:—they drink from cups of bronze and

rinse them out every day, and not some only do this but all: they wear

garments of linen always newly washed, and this they make a special

point of practice: they circumcise themselves for the sake of

cleanliness, preferring to be clean rather than comely. The priests

shave themselves all over their body every other day, so that no lice or

any other foul thing may come to be upon them when they minister to

the gods; and the priests wear garments of linen only and sandals of

papyrus, and any other garment they may not take nor other sandals;

these wash themselves in cold water twice in the day and twice again

in the night; and other religious services they perform (one may almost

say) of infinite number. 41 They enjoy also good things not a few, for

they do not consume or spend anything of their own substance, but there

is sacred bread baked for them and they have each great quantity of

flesh of oxen and geese coming in to them each day, and also wine of

grapes is given to them; but it is not permitted to them to taste of

fish: beans moreover the Egyptians do not at all sow in their land, and

those which grow they neither eat raw nor boil for food; nay the priests

do not endure even to look upon them, thinking this to be an unclean

kind of pulse: and there is not one priest only for each of the gods but

many, and of them one is chief-priest, and whenever a priest dies his

son is appointed to his place.

38. The males of the ox kind they consider to belong to Epaphos, and

on account of him they test them in the following manner:—If the priest

sees one single black hair upon the beast he counts it not clean for

sacrifice; and one of the priests who is appointed for the purpose makes

investigation of these matters, both when the beast is standing upright

and when it is lying on its back, drawing out its tongue moreover, to

see if it is clean in respect of the appointed signs, which I shall tell

of in another part of the history: 42 he looks also at the hairs of the

tail to see if it has them growing in the natural manner: and if it

be clean in respect of all these things, he marks it with a piece of

papyrus, rolling this round the horns, and then when he has plastered

sealing-earth over it he sets upon it the seal of his signet-ring, and

after that they take the animal away. But for one who sacrifices a beast

not sealed the penalty appointed is death.

39. In this way then the beast is tested; and their appointed manner of

sacrifice is as follows:—they lead the sealed beast to the altar where

they happen to be sacrificing and then kindle a fire: after that, having

poured libations of wine over the altar so that it runs down upon the

victim and having called upon the god, they cut its throat, and having

cut its throat they sever the head from the body. The body then of the

beast they flay, but upon the head 43 they make many imprecations first,

and then they who have a market and Hellenes sojourning among them for

trade, these carry it to the market-place and sell it, while they who

have no Hellenes among them cast it away into the river: and this is the

form of imprecation which they utter upon the heads, praying that if any

evil be about to befall either themselves who are offering sacrifice or

the land of Egypt in general, it may come rather upon this head. Now

as regards the heads of the beasts which are sacrificed and the pouring

over them of the wine, all the Egyptians have the same customs equally

for all their sacrifices; and by reason of this custom none of the

Egyptians eat of the head either of this or of any other kind of animal:

40, but the manner of disembowelling the victims and of burning them is

appointed among them differently for different sacrifices; I shall

speak however of the sacrifices to that goddess whom they regard as the

greatest of all, and to whom they celebrate the greatest feast.—When

they have flayed the bullock and made imprecation, they take out the

whole of its lower entrails but leave in the body the upper entrails and

the fat; and they sever from it the legs and the end of the loin and the

shoulders and the neck: and this done, they fill the rest of the body of

the animal with consecrated 44 loaves and honey and raisins and figs and

frankincense and myrrh and every other kind of spices, and having filled

it with these they offer it, pouring over it great abundance of oil.

They make their sacrifice after fasting, and while the offerings are

being burnt, they all beat themselves for mourning, and when they have

finished beating themselves they set forth as a feast that which they

left unburnt of the sacrifice.

41. The clean males then of the ox kind, both full-grown animals and

calves, are sacrificed by all the Egyptians; the females however they

may not sacrifice, but these are sacred to Isis; for the figure of Isis

is in the form of a woman with cow's horns, just as the Hellenes present

Io in pictures, and all the Egyptians without distinction reverence cows

far more than any other kind of cattle; for which reason neither man nor

woman of Egyptian race would kiss a man who is a Hellene on the mouth,

nor will they use a knife or roasting-spits or a caldron belonging to

a Hellene, nor taste of the flesh even of a clean animal if it has been

cut with the knife of a Hellene. And the cattle of this kind which die

they bury in the following manner:—the females they cast into the river,

but the males they bury, each people in the suburb of their town, with

one of the horns, or sometimes both, protruding to mark the place; and

when the bodies have rotted away and the appointed time comes on, then

to each city comes a boat 45 from that which is called the island of

Prosopitis (this is in the Delta, and the extent of its circuit is nine

schoines). In this island of Prosopitis is situated, besides many other

cities, that one from which the boats come to take up the bones of the

oxen, and the name of the city is Atarbechis, and in it there is set

up a holy temple of Aphrodite. From this city many go abroad in various

directions, some to one city and others to another, and when they have

dug up the bones of the oxen they carry them off, and coming together

they bury them in one single place. In the same manner as they bury the

oxen they bury also their other cattle when they die; for about them

also they have the same law laid down, and these also they abstain from

killing.

42. Now all who have a temple set up to the Theban Zeus or who are of

the district of Thebes, these, I say, all sacrifice goats and abstain

from sheep: for not all the Egyptians equally reverence the same gods,

except only Isis and Osiris (who they say is Dionysos), these they all

reverence alike: but they who have a temple of Mendes or belong to the

Mendesian district, these abstain from goats and sacrifice sheep. Now

the men of Thebes and those who after their example abstain from sheep,

say that this custom was established among them for the cause which

follows:—Heracles (they say) had an earnest desire to see Zeus, and Zeus

did not desire to be seen of him; and at last when Heracles was urgent

in entreaty Zeus contrived this device, that is to say, he flayed a ram

and held in front of him the head of the ram which he had cut off, and

he put on over him the fleece and then showed himself to him. Hence

the Egyptians make the image of Zeus into the face of a ram; and the

Ammonians do so also after their example, being settlers both from

the Egyptians and from the Ethiopians, and using a language which is a

medley of both tongues: and in my opinion it is from this god that the

Ammonians took the name which they have, for the Egyptians call Zeus

Amun. The Thebans then do not sacrifice rams but hold them sacred for

this reason; on one day however in the year, on the feast of Zeus, they

cut up in the same manner and flay one single ram and cover with its

skin the image of Zeus, and then they bring up to it another image

of Heracles. This done, all who are in the temple beat themselves in

lamentation for the ram, and then they bury it in a sacred tomb.

43. About Heracles I heard the account given that he was of the number

of the twelve gods; but of the other Heracles whom the Hellenes know I

was not able to hear in any part of Egypt: and moreover to prove that

the Egyptians did not take the name of Heracles from the Hellenes, but

rather the Hellenes from the Egyptians,—that is to say those of the

Hellenes who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon,—of that, I

say, besides many other evidences there is chiefly this, namely that the

parents of this Heracles, Amphitryon and Alcmene, were both of Egypt by

descent, 46 and also that the Egyptians say that they do not know

the names either of Poseidon or of the Dioscuroi, nor have these been

accepted by them as gods among the other gods; whereas if they had

received from the Hellenes the name of any divinity, they would

naturally have preserved the memory of these most of all, assuming that

in those times as now some of the Hellenes were wont to make voyages

4601 and were sea-faring folk, as I suppose and as my judgment compels

me to think; so that the Egyptians would have learnt the names of these

gods even more than that of Heracles. In fact however Heracles is a

very ancient Egyptian god; and (as they say themselves) it is seventeen

thousand years to the beginning of the reign of Amasis from the time

when the twelve gods, of whom they count that Heracles is one, were

begotten of the eight gods.

44. I moreover, desiring to know something certain of these matters so

far as might be, made a voyage also to Tyre of Phenicia, hearing that

in that place there was a holy temple of Heracles; and I saw that it

was richly furnished with many votive offerings besides, and especially

there were in it two pillars, 47 the one of pure gold and the other of

an emerald stone of such size as to shine by night: 48 and having come

to speech with the priests of the god, I asked them how long time it

was since their temple had been set up: and these also I found to be

at variance with the Hellenes, for they said that at the same time when

Tyre was founded, the temple of the god also had been set up, and that

it was a period of two thousand three hundred years since their people

began to dwell at Tyre. I saw also at Tyre another temple of Heracles,

with the surname Thasian; and I came to Thasos also and there I found a

temple of Heracles set up by the Phenicians, who had sailed out to seek

for Europa and had colonised Thasos; and these things happened full five

generations of men before Heracles the son of Amphitryon was born in

Hellas. So then my inquiries show clearly that Heracles is an ancient

god, and those of the Hellenes seem to me to act most rightly who have

two temples of Heracles set up, and who sacrifice to the one as an

immortal god and with the title Olympian, and make offerings of the dead

49 to the other as a hero.

45. Moreover, besides many other stories which the Hellenes tell without

due consideration, this tale is especially foolish which they tell about

Heracles, namely that when he came to Egypt, the Egyptians put on him

wreaths and led him forth in procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and he

for some time kept quiet, but when they were beginning the sacrifice of

him at the altar, he betook himself to prowess and slew them all. I for

my part am of opinion that the Hellenes when they tell this tale are

altogether without knowledge of the nature and customs of the Egyptians;

for how should they for whom it is not lawful to sacrifice even beasts,

except swine 50 and the males of oxen and calves (such of them as are

clean) and geese, how should these sacrifice human beings? Besides this,

how is it in nature possible that Heracles, being one person only and

moreover a man (as they assert), should slay many myriads? Having said

so much of these matters, we pray that we may have grace from both the

gods and the heroes for our speech.

46. Now the reason why those of the Egyptians whom I have mentioned do

not sacrifice goats, female or male, is this:—the Mendesians count Pan

to be one of the eight gods (now these eight gods they say came into

being before the twelve gods), and the painters and image-makers

represent in painting and in sculpture the figure of Pan, just as the

Hellenes do, with goat's face and legs, not supposing him to be really

like this but to resemble the other gods; the cause however why they

represent him in this form I prefer not to say. The Mendesians then

reverence all goats and the males more than the females (and the

goatherds too have greater honour than other herdsmen), but of the goats

one especially is reverenced, and when he dies there is great mourning

in all the Mendesian district: and both the goat and Pan are called in

the Egyptian tongue Mendes. Moreover in my lifetime there happened in

that district this marvel, that is to say a he-goat had intercourse with

a woman publicly, and this was so done that all men might have evidence

of it.

47. The pig is accounted by the Egyptians an abominable animal; and

first, if any of them in passing by touch a pig, he goes into the river

and dips himself forthwith in the water together with his garments; and

then too swineherds, though they be native Egyptians, unlike all others

do not enter any of the temples in Egypt, nor is anyone willing to give

his daughter in marriage to one of them or to take a wife from among

them; but the swineherds both give in marriage to one another and take

from one another. Now to the other gods the Egyptians do not think it

right to sacrifice swine; but to the Moon and to Dionysos alone at the

same time and on the same full-moon they sacrifice swine, and then eat

their flesh: and as to the reason why, when they abominate swine at all

their other feasts, they sacrifice them at this, there is a story told

by the Egyptians; and this story I know, but it is not a seemly one for

me to tell. Now the sacrifice of the swine to the Moon is performed as

follows:—when the priest has slain the victim, he puts together the end

of the tail and the spleen and the caul, and covers them up with the

whole of the fat of the animal which is about the paunch, and then he

offers them with fire; and the rest of the flesh they eat on that day of

full moon upon which they have held the sacrifice, but on any day after

this they will not taste of it: the poor however among them by reason of

the scantiness of their means shape pigs of dough and having baked them

they offer these as a sacrifice.

48. Then for Dionysos on the eve of the festival each one kills a pig by

cutting its throat before his own doors, and after that he gives the pig

to the swineherd who sold it to him, to carry away again; and the rest

of the feast of Dionysos is celebrated by the Egyptians in the same

way as by the Hellenes in almost all things except choral dances, but

instead of the phallos they have invented another contrivance, namely

figures of about a cubit in height worked by strings, which women carry

about the villages, with the privy member made to move and not much

less in size than the rest of the body: and a flute goes before and they

follow singing the praises of Dionysos. As to the reason why the figure

has this member larger than is natural and moves it, though it moves no

other part of the body, about this there is a sacred story told.

49. Now I think that Melampus the son of Amytheon was not without

knowledge of these rites of sacrifice, but was acquainted with them: for

Melampus is he who first set forth to the Hellenes the name of Dionysos

and the manner of sacrifice and the procession of the phallos. Strictly

speaking indeed, he when he made it known did not take in the whole, but

those wise men who came after him made it known more at large. Melampus

then is he who taught of the phallos which is carried in procession for

Dionysos, and from him the Hellenes learnt to do that which they do. I

say then that Melampus being a man of ability contrived for himself an

art of divination, and having learnt from Egypt he taught the Hellenes

many things, and among them those that concern Dionysos, making changes

in some few points of them: for I shall not say that that which is done

in worship of the god in Egypt came accidentally to be the same with

that which is done among the Hellenes, for then these rites would have

been in character with the Hellenic worship and not lately brought in;

nor certainly shall I say that the Egyptians took from the Hellenes

either this or any other customary observance: but I think it most

probable that Melampus learnt the matters concerning Dionysos from

Cadmos the Tyrian and from those who came with him from Phenicia to the

land which we now call Boeotia.

50. Moreover the naming 51 of almost all the gods has come to Hellas

from Egypt: for that it has come from the Barbarians I find by inquiry

is true, and I am of opinion that most probably it has come from Egypt,

because, except in the case of Poseidon and the Dioscuroi (in accordance

with that which I have said before), and also of Hera and Hestia and

Themis and the Charites and Nereïds, the Egyptians have had the names

of all the other gods in their country for all time. What I say here

is that which the Egyptians think themselves: but as for the gods whose

names they profess that they do not know, these I think received their

naming from the Pelasgians, except Poseidon; but about this god the

Hellenes learnt from the Libyans, for no people except the Libyans have

had the name of Poseidon from the first and have paid honour to this

god always. Nor, it may be added, have the Egyptians any custom of

worshipping heroes.

51. These observances then, and others besides these which I shall

mention, the Hellenes have adopted from the Egyptians; but to make, as

they do, the images of Hermes with the phallos they have learnt not from

the Egyptians but from the Pelasgians, the custom having been received

by the Athenians first of all the Hellenes and from these by the rest;

for just at the time when the Athenians were beginning to rank among the

Hellenes, the Pelasgians became dwellers with them in their land, and

from this very cause it was that they began to be counted as Hellenes.

Whosoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the Cabeiroi, which the

Samothrakians perform having received them from the Pelasgians, that

man knows the meaning of my speech; for these very Pelasgians who

became dwellers with the Athenians used to dwell before that time in

Samothrake, and from them the Samothrakians received their mysteries. So

then the Athenians were the first of the Hellenes who made the images

of Hermes with the phallos, having learnt from the Pelasgians; and

the Pelasgians told a sacred story about it, which is set forth in the

mysteries in Samothrake.

52. Now the Pelasgians formerly were wont to make all their sacrifices

calling upon the gods in prayer, as I know from that which I heard at

Dodona, but they gave no title or name to any of them, for they had

not yet heard any, but they called them gods ({theous}) from some such

notion as this, that they had set ({thentes}) in order all things and

so had the distribution of everything. Afterwards, when much time

had elapsed, they learnt from Egypt the names of the gods, all except

Dionysos, for his name they learnt long afterwards; and after a time

the Pelasgians consulted the Oracle at Dodona about the names, for this

prophetic seat is accounted to be the most ancient of the Oracles which

are among the Hellenes, and at that time it was the only one. So when

the Pelasgians asked the Oracle at Dodona whether they should adopt the

names which had come from the Barbarians, the Oracle in reply bade them

make use of the names. From this time they sacrificed using the names of

the gods, and from the Pelasgians the Hellenes afterwards received them:

53, but whence the several gods had their birth, or whether they all

were from the beginning, and of what form they are, they did not learn

till yesterday, as it were, or the day before: for Hesiod and Homer I

suppose were four hundred years before my time and not more, and these

are they who made a theogony for the Hellenes and gave the titles to

the gods and distributed to them honours and arts, and set forth their

forms: but the poets who are said to have been before these men were

really in my opinion after them. Of these things the first are said by

the priestesses of Dodona, and the latter things, those namely which

have regard to Hesiod and Homer, by myself.

54. As regards the Oracles both that among the Hellenes and that in

Libya, the Egyptians tell the following tale. The priests of the Theban

Zeus told me that two women in the service of the temple had been

carried away from Thebes by Phenicians, and that they had heard that one

of them had been sold to go into Libya and the other to the Hellenes;

and these women, they said, were they who first founded the prophetic

seats among the nations which have been named: and when I inquired

whence they knew so perfectly of this tale which they told, they said

in reply that a great search had been made by the priests after these

women, and that they had not been able to find them, but they had heard

afterwards this tale about them which they were telling.

55. This I heard from the priests at Thebes, and what follows is said by

the prophetesses 52 of Dodona. They say that two black doves flew from

Thebes to Egypt, and came one of them to Libya and the other to their

land. And this latter settled upon an oak-tree 53 and spoke with human

voice, saying that it was necessary that a prophetic seat of Zeus should

be established in that place; and they supposed that that was of the

gods which was announced to them, and made one accordingly: and the dove

which went away to the Libyans, they say, bade the Libyans to make an

Oracle of Ammon; and this also is of Zeus. The priestesses of Dodona

told me these things, of whom the eldest was named Promeneia, the next

after her Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra; and the other people of

Dodona who were engaged about the temple gave accounts agreeing with

theirs.

56. I however have an opinion about the matter as follows:—If the

Phenicians did in truth carry away the consecrated women and sold one of

them into Libya and the other into Hellas, I suppose that in the country

now called Hellas, which was formerly called Pelasgia, this woman was

sold into the land of the Thesprotians; and then being a slave there she

set up a sanctuary of Zeus under a real oak-tree; 54 as indeed it was

natural that being an attendant of the sanctuary of Zeus at Thebes, she

should there, in the place to which she had come, have a memory of him;

and after this, when she got understanding of the Hellenic tongue, she

established an Oracle, and she reported, I suppose, that her sister had

been sold in Libya by the same Phenicians by whom she herself had been

sold.

57. Moreover, I think that the women were called doves by the people of

Dodona for the reason that they were Barbarians and because it seemed to

them that they uttered voice like birds; but after a time (they say) the

dove spoke with human voice, that is when the woman began to speak so

that they could understand; but so long as she spoke a Barbarian tongue

she seemed to them to be uttering voice like a bird: for had it been

really a dove, how could it speak with human voice? And in saying that

the dove was black, they indicate that the woman was Egyptian. The

ways of delivering oracles too at Thebes in Egypt and at Dodona closely

resemble one another, as it happens, and also the method of divination

by victims has come from Egypt.

58. Moreover, it is true also that the Egyptians were the first of men

who made solemn assemblies 55 and processions and approaches to the

temples, 56 and from them the Hellenes have learnt them, and my evidence

for this is that the Egyptian celebrations of these have been held from

a very ancient time, whereas the Hellenic were introduced 57 but lately.

59. The Egyptians hold their solemn assemblies not once in the year but

often, especially and with the greatest zeal and devotion 58 at the

city of Bubastis for Artemis, and next at Busiris for Isis; for in this

last-named city there is a very great temple of Isis, and this city

stands in the middle of the Delta of Egypt; now Isis is in the tongue of

the Hellenes Demeter: thirdly, they have a solemn assembly at the city

of Saïs for Athene, fourthly at Heliopolis for the Sun (Helios), fifthly

at the city of Buto in honour of Leto, and sixthly at the city of

Papremis for Ares.

60. Now, when they are coming to the city of Bubastis they do as

follows:—they sail men and women together, and a great multitude of each

sex in every boat; and some of the women have rattles and rattle with

them, while some of the men play the flute during the whole time of the

voyage, and the rest, both women and men, sing and clap their hands; and

when as they sail they come opposite to any city on the way they bring

the boat to land, and some of the women continue to do as I have said,

others cry aloud and jeer at the women in that city, some dance, and

some stand up and pull up their garments. This they do by every city

along the river-bank; and when they come to Bubastis they hold festival

celebrating great sacrifices, and more wine of grapes is consumed upon

that festival than during the whole of the rest of the year. To this

place (so say the natives) they come together year by year 59 even to

the number of seventy myriads 5901 of men and women, besides children.

61. Thus it is done here; and how they celebrate the festival in honour

of Isis at the city of Busiris has been told by me before: 60 for, as I

said, they beat themselves in mourning after the sacrifice, all of them

both men and women, very many myriads of people; but for whom they beat

themselves it is not permitted to me by religion to say: and so many as

there are of the Carians dwelling in Egypt do this even more than the

Egyptians themselves, inasmuch as they cut their foreheads also with

knives; and by this it is manifested that they are strangers and not

Egyptians.

62. At the times when they gather together at the city of Saïs for their

sacrifices, on a certain night 61 they all kindle lamps many in number

in the open air round about the houses; now the lamps are saucers full

of salt and oil mixed, and the wick floats by itself on the surface, and

this burns during the whole night; and to the festival is given the name

Lychnocaia (the lighting of the lamps). Moreover those of the Egyptians

who have not come to this solemn assembly observe the night of the

festival and themselves also light lamps all of them, and thus not in

Saïs alone are they lighted, but over all Egypt: and as to the reason

why light and honour are allotted to this night, 62 about this there is

a sacred story told.

63. To Heliopolis and Buto they go year by year and do sacrifice only:

but at Papremis they do sacrifice and worship as elsewhere, and besides

that, when the sun begins to go down, while some few of the priests are

occupied with the image of the god, the greater number of them stand in

the entrance of the temple with wooden clubs, and other persons to the

number of more than a thousand men with purpose to perform a vow, these

also having all of them staves of wood, stand in a body opposite to

those: and the image, which is in a small shrine of wood covered over

with gold, they take out on the day before to another sacred building.

The few then who have been left about the image, draw a wain with four

wheels, which bears the shrine and the image that is within the shrine,

and the other priests standing in the gateway try to prevent it from

entering, and the men who are under a vow come to the assistance of the

god and strike them, while the others defend themselves. 63 Then there

comes to be a hard fight with staves, and they break one another's

heads, and I am of opinion that many even die of the wounds they

receive; the Egyptians however told me that no one died. This solemn

assembly the people of the place say that they established for the

following reason:—the mother of Ares, they say, used to dwell in this

temple, and Ares, having been brought up away from her, when he grew

up came thither desiring to visit his mother, and the attendants of his

mother's temple, not having seen him before, did not permit him to pass

in, but kept him away; and he brought men to help him from another city

and handled roughly the attendants of the temple, and entered to visit

his mother. Hence, they say, this exchange of blows has become the

custom in honour of Ares upon his festival.

64. The Egyptians were the first who made it a point of religion not to

lie with women in temples, nor to enter into temples after going away

from women without first bathing: for almost all other men except the

Egyptians and the Hellenes lie with women in temples and enter into a

temple after going away from women without bathing, since they hold that

there is no difference in this respect between men and beasts: for

they say that they see beasts and the various kinds of birds coupling

together both in the temples and in the sacred enclosures of the gods;

if then this were not pleasing to the god, the beasts would not do so.

65. Thus do these defend that which they do, which by me is disallowed:

but the Egyptians are excessively careful in their observances, both

in other matters which concern the sacred rites and also in those which

follow:—Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, 6301 does not very much

abound in wild animals, but such as they have are one and all accounted

by them sacred, some of them living with men and others not. But if I

should say for what reasons the sacred animals have been thus dedicated,

I should fall into discourse of matters pertaining to the gods, of

which I most desire not to speak; and what I have actually said touching

slightly upon them, I said because I was constrained by necessity.

About these animals there is a custom of this kind:—persons have been

appointed of the Egyptians, both men and women, to provide the food for

each kind of beast separately, and their office goes down from father

to son; and those who dwell in the various cities perform vows to

them thus, that is, when they make a vow to the god to whom the animal

belongs, they shave the head of their children either the whole or

the half or the third part of it, and then set the hair in the balance

against silver, and whatever it weighs, this the man gives to the person

who provides for the animals, and she cuts up fish of equal value and

gives it for food to the animals. Thus food for their support has been

appointed: and if any one kill any of these animals, the penalty, if he

do it with his own will, is death, and if against his will, such penalty

as the priests may appoint: but whosoever shall kill an ibis or a hawk,

whether it be with his will or against his will, must die.

66. Of the animals that live with men there are great numbers, and would

be many more but for the accidents which befall the cats. For when the

females have produced young they are no longer in the habit of going

to the males, and these seeking to be united with them are not able. To

this end then they contrive as follows,—they either take away by force

or remove secretly the young from the females and kill them (but after

killing they do not eat them), and the females being deprived of their

young and desiring more, therefore come to the males, for it is a

creature that is fond of its young. Moreover when a fire occurs, the

cats seem to be divinely possessed; 64 for while the Egyptians stand at

intervals and look after the cats, not taking any care to extinguish the

fire, the cats slipping through or leaping over the men, jump into the

fire; and when this happens, great mourning comes upon the Egyptians.

And in whatever houses a cat has died by a natural death, all those who

dwell in this house shave their eyebrows only, but those in whose houses

a dog has died shave their whole body and also their head.

67. The cats when they are dead are carried away to sacred buildings in

the city of Bubastis, where after being embalmed they are buried; but

the dogs they bury each people in their own city in sacred tombs;

and the ichneumons are buried just in the same way as the dogs. The

shrew-mice however and the hawks they carry away to the city of Buto,

and the ibises to Hermopolis; 65 the bears (which are not commonly seen)

and the wolves, not much larger in size than foxes, they bury on the

spot where they are found lying.

68. Of the crocodile the nature is as follows:—during the four most

wintry months this creature eats nothing: she has four feet and is an

animal belonging to the land and the water both; for she produces and

hatches eggs on the land, and the most part of the day she remains upon

dry land, but the whole of the night in the river, for the water in

truth is warmer than the unclouded open air and the dew. Of all the

mortal creatures of which we have knowledge this grows to the greatest

bulk from the smallest beginning; for the eggs which she produces are

not much larger than those of geese and the newly-hatched young one

is in proportion to the egg, but as he grows he becomes as much as

seventeen cubits long and sometimes yet larger. He has eyes like those

of a pig and teeth large and tusky, in proportion to the size of his

body; but unlike all other beasts he grows no tongue, neither does he

move his lower jaw, but brings the upper jaw towards the lower, being

in this too unlike all other beasts. He has moreover strong claws and a

scaly hide upon his back which cannot be pierced; and he is blind in the

water, but in the air he is of very keen sight. Since he has his living

in the water he keeps his mouth all full within of leeches; and whereas

all other birds and beasts fly from him, the trochilus is a creature

which is at peace with him, seeing that from her he receives benefit;

for the crocodile having come out of the water to the land and then

having opened his mouth (this he is wont to do generally towards the

West Wind), the trochilus upon that enters into his mouth and swallows

down the leeches, and he being benefited is pleased and does no harm to

the trochilus.

69. Now for some of the Egyptians the crocodiles are sacred animals, and

for others not so, but they treat them on the contrary as enemies: those

however who dwell about Thebes and about the lake of Moiris hold them

to be most sacred, and each of these two peoples keeps one crocodile

selected from the whole number, which has been trained to tameness, and

they put hanging ornaments of molten stone and of gold into the ears

of these and anklets round the front feet, and they give them food

appointed and victims of sacrifices and treat them as well as possible

while they live, and after they are dead they bury them in sacred tombs,

embalming them: but those who dwell about the city of Elephantine even

eat them, not holding them to be sacred. They are called not crocodiles

but champsai, and the Ionians gave them the name of crocodile, comparing

their form to that of the crocodiles (lizards) which appear in their

country in the stone walls.

70. There are many ways in use of catching them and of various kinds: I

shall describe that which to me seems the most worthy of being told. A

man puts the back of a pig upon a hook as bait, and lets it go into the

middle of the river, while he himself upon the bank of the river has

a young live pig, which he beats; and the crocodile hearing its cries

makes for the direction of the sound, and when he finds the pig's back

he swallows it down: then they pull, and when he is drawn out to land,

first of all the hunter forthwith plasters up his eyes with mud, and

having so done he very easily gets the mastery of him, but if he does

not do so he has much trouble.

71. The river-horse is sacred in the district of Papremis, but for the

other Egyptians he is not sacred; and this is the appearance which he

presents: he is four-footed, cloven-hoofed like an ox, 66 flat-nosed,

with a mane like a horse and showing teeth like tusks, with a tail and

voice like a horse, and in size as large as the largest ox; and his hide

is so exceedingly thick that when it has been dried shafts of javelins

are made of it.

72. There are moreover otters in the river, which they consider to be

sacred; and of fish also they esteem that which is called the lepidotos

to be sacred, and also the eel; and these they say are sacred to the

Nile: and of birds the fox-goose.

73. There is also another sacred bird called the phoenix which I did

not myself see except in painting, for in truth he comes to them very

rarely, at intervals, as the people of Heliopolis say, of five hundred

years; and these say that he comes regularly when his father dies; and

if he be like the painting, he is of this size and nature, that is to

say, some of his feathers are of gold colour and others red, and in

outline and size he is as nearly as possible like an eagle. This bird

they say (but I cannot believe the story) contrives as follows:—setting

forth from Arabia he conveys his father, they say, to the temple of the

Sun (Helios) plastered up in myrrh, and buries him in the temple of the

Sun; and he conveys him thus:—he forms first an egg of myrrh as large as

he is able to carry, and then he makes trial of carrying it, and when he

has made trial sufficiently, then he hollows out the egg and places his

father within it and plasters over with other myrrh that part of the egg

where he hollowed it out to put his father in, and when his father is

laid in it, it proves (they say) to be of the same weight as it was;

and after he has plastered it up, he conveys the whole to Egypt to the

temple of the Sun. Thus they say that this bird does.

74. There are also about Thebes sacred serpents, not at all harmful to

men, which are small in size and have two horns growing from the top of

the head: these they bury when they die in the temple of Zeus, for to

this god they say that they are sacred.

75. There is a region moreover in Arabia, situated nearly over against

the city of Buto, to which place I came to inquire about the winged

serpents: and when I came thither I saw bones of serpents and spines in

quantity so great that it is impossible to make report of the number,

and there were heaps of spines, some heaps large and others less large

and others smaller still than these, and these heaps were many in

number. This region in which the spines are scattered upon the ground

is of the nature of an entrance from a narrow mountain pass to a great

plain, which plain adjoins the plain of Egypt; and the story goes that

at the beginning of spring winged serpents from Arabia fly towards

Egypt, and the birds called ibises meet them at the entrance to this

country and do not suffer the serpents to go by but kill them. On

account of this deed it is (say the Arabians) that the ibis has come to

be greatly honoured by the Egyptians, and the Egyptians also agree that

it is for this reason that they honour these birds.

76. The outward form of the ibis is this:—it is a deep black all over,

and has legs like those of a crane and a very curved beak, and in size

it is about equal to a rail: this is the appearance of the black kind

which fight with the serpents, but of those which most crowd round men's

feet (for there are two several kinds of ibises) the head is bare and

also the whole of the throat, and it is white in feathering except the

head and neck and the extremities of the wings and the rump (in all

these parts of which I have spoken it is a deep black), while in legs

and in the form of the head it resembles the other. As for the serpent

its form is like that of the watersnake; and it has wings not feathered

but most nearly resembling the wings of the bat. Let so much suffice as

has been said now concerning sacred animals.

77. Of the Egyptians themselves, those who dwell in the part of Egypt

which is sown for crops 67 practise memory more than any other men and

are the most learned in history by far of all those of whom I have had

experience: and their manner of life is as follows:—For three successive

days in each month they purge, hunting after health with emetics and

clysters, and they think that all the diseases which exist are produced

in men by the food on which they live; for the Egyptians are from other

causes also the most healthy of all men next after the Libyans (in my

opinion on account of the seasons, because the seasons do not change,

for by the changes of things generally, and especially of the seasons,

diseases are most apt to be produced in men), and as to their diet, it

is as follows:—they eat bread, making loaves of maize, which they call

kyllestis, and they use habitually a wine made out of barley, for vines

they have not in their land. Of their fish some they dry in the sun and

then eat them without cooking, others they eat cured in brine. Of birds

they eat quails and ducks and small birds without cooking, after first

curing them; and everything else which they have belonging to the

class of birds or fishes, except such as have been set apart by them as

sacred, they eat roasted or boiled.

78. In the entertainments of the rich among them, when they have

finished eating, a man bears round a wooden figure of a dead body in a

coffin, made as like the reality as may be both by painting and carving,

and measuring about a cubit or two cubits each way; 68 and this he shows

to each of those who are drinking together, saying: "When thou lookest

upon this, drink and be merry, for thou shalt be such as this when thou

art dead." Thus they do at their carousals.

79. The customs which they practise are derived from their fathers and

they do not acquire others in addition; but besides other customary

things among them which are worthy of mention, they have one song, 6801

that of Linos, the same who is sung of both in Phenicia and in Cyprus

and elsewhere, having however a name different according to the various

nations. This song agrees exactly with that which the Hellenes sing

calling on the name of Linos, 69 so that besides many other things

about which I wonder among those matters which concern Egypt, I wonder

especially about this, namely whence they got the song of Linos. 70 It

is evident however that they have sung this song from immemorial time,

and in the Egyptian tongue Linos is called Maneros. The Egyptians told

me that he was the only son of him who first became king of Egypt, and

that he died before his time and was honoured with these lamentations by

the Egyptians, and that this was their first and only song.

80. In another respect the Egyptians are in agreement with some of the

Hellenes, namely with the Lacedemonians, but not with the rest, that is

to say, the younger of them when they meet the elder give way and move

out of the path, and when their elders approach they rise out of their

seat. In this which follows however they are not in agreement with any

of the Hellenes,—instead of addressing one another in the roads they do

reverence, lowering their hand down to their knee.

81. They wear tunics of linen about their legs with fringes, which they

call calasiris; above these they have garments of white wool thrown

over: woollen garments however are not taken into the temples, nor are

they buried with them, for this is not permitted by religion. In these

points they are in agreement with the observances called Orphic and

Bacchic (which are really Egyptian), 71 and also with those of the

Pythagoreans, for one who takes part in these mysteries is also

forbidden by religious rule to be buried in woollen garments; and about

this there is a sacred story told.

82. Besides these things the Egyptians have found out also to what god

each month and each day belongs, and what fortunes a man will meet with

who is born on any particular day, and how he will die, and what kind

of a man he will be: and these inventions were taken up by those of the

Hellenes who occupied themselves about poesy. Portents too have been

found out by them more than by all other men besides; for when a portent

has happened, they observe and write down the event which comes of it,

and if ever afterwards anything resembling this happens, they believe

that the event which comes of it will be similar.

83. Their divination is ordered thus:—the art is assigned not to any

man, but to certain of the gods, for there are in their land Oracles of

Heracles, of Apollo, of Athene, of Artemis, of Ares, and of Zeus, and

moreover that which they hold most in honour of all, namely the Oracle

of Leto which is in the city of Buto. The manner of divination however

is not yet established among them according to the same fashion

everywhere, but is different in different places.

84. The art of medicine among them is distributed thus:—each physician

is a physician of one disease and of no more; and the whole country is

full of physicians, for some profess themselves to be physicians of the

eyes, others of the head, others of the teeth, others of the affections

of the stomach, and others of the more obscure ailments.

85. Their fashions of mourning and of burial are these:—Whenever any

household has lost a man who is of any regard amongst them, the whole

number of women of that house forthwith plaster over their heads or even

their faces with mud. Then leaving the corpse within the house they go

themselves to and fro about the city and beat themselves, with their

garments bound up by a girdle 72 and their breasts exposed, and with

them go all the women who are related to the dead man, and on the other

side the men beat themselves, they too having their garments bound up by

a girdle; and when they have done this, they then convey the body to the

embalming.

86. In this occupation certain persons employ themselves regularly and

inherit this as a craft. These, whenever a corpse is conveyed to them,

show to those who brought it wooden models of corpses made like reality

by painting, and the best of the ways of embalming they say is that of

him whose name I think it impiety to mention when speaking of a matter

of such a kind; 73 the second which they show is less good than this and

also less expensive; and the third is the least expensive of all. Having

told them about this, they inquire of them in which way they desire the

corpse of their friend to be prepared. Then they after they have agreed

for a certain price depart out of the way, and the others being left

behind in the buildings embalm according to the best of these ways

thus:—First with a crooked iron tool they draw out the brain through the

nostrils, extracting it partly thus and partly by pouring in drugs; and

after this with a sharp stone of Ethiopia they make a cut along the side

and take out the whole contents of the belly, and when they have cleared

out the cavity and cleansed it with palm-wine they cleanse it again with

spices pounded up: then they fill the belly with pure myrrh pounded

up and with cassia and other spices except frankincense, and sew it

together again. Having so done they keep it for embalming covered up

in natron for seventy days, but for a longer time than this it is not

permitted to embalm it; and when the seventy days are past, they wash

the corpse and roll its whole body up in fine linen 74 cut into bands,

smearing these beneath with gum, 75 which the Egyptians use generally

instead of glue. Then the kinsfolk receive it from them and have a

wooden figure made in the shape of a man, and when they have had this

made they enclose the corpse, and having shut it up within, they store

it then in a sepulchral chamber, setting it to stand upright against the

wall.

87. Thus they deal with the corpses which are prepared in the most

costly way; but for those who desire the middle way and wish to avoid

great cost they prepare the corpse as follows:—having filled their

syringes with the oil which is got from cedar-wood, with this they

forthwith fill the belly of the corpse, and this they do without having

either cut it open or taken out the bowels, but they inject the oil by

the breech, and having stopped the drench from returning back they keep

it then the appointed number of days for embalming, and on the last

of the days they let the cedar oil come out from the belly, which they

before put in; and it has such power that it brings out with it the

bowels and interior organs of the body dissolved; and the natron

dissolves the flesh, so that there is left of the corpse only the skin

and the bones. When they have done this they give back the corpse at

once in that condition without working upon it any more.

88. The third kind of embalming, by which are prepared the bodies of

those who have less means, is as follows:—they cleanse out the belly

with a purge and then keep the body for embalming during the seventy

days, and at once after that they give it back to the bringers to carry

away.

89. The wives of men of rank when they die are not given at once to be

embalmed, nor such women as are very beautiful or of greater regard

than others, but on the third or fourth day after their death (and

not before) they are delivered to the embalmers. They do so about this

matter in order that the embalmers may not abuse their women, for they

say that one of them was taken once doing so to the corpse of a woman

lately dead, and his fellow-craftsman gave information.

90. Whenever any one, either of the Egyptians themselves or of

strangers, is found to have been carried off by a crocodile or brought

to his death by the river itself, the people of any city by which he may

have been cast up on land must embalm him and lay him out in the fairest

way they can and bury him in a sacred burial-place, nor may any of his

relations or friends besides touch him, but the priests of the Nile

themselves handle the corpse and bury it as that of one who was

something more than man.

91. Hellenic usages they will by no means follow, and to speak generally

they follow those of no other men whatever. This rule is observed by

most of the Egyptians; but there is a large city named Chemmis in the

Theban district near Neapolis, and in this city there is a temple of

Perseus the son of Danae which is of a square shape, and round it grow

date-palms: the gateway of the temple is built of stone and of very

great size, and at the entrance of it stand two great statues of stone.

Within this enclosure is a temple-house 76 and in it stands an image

of Perseus. These people of Chemmis say that Perseus is wont often to

appear in their land and often within the temple, and that a sandal

which has been worn by him is found sometimes, being in length two

cubits, and whenever this appears all Egypt prospers. This they say, and

they do in honour of Perseus after Hellenic fashion thus,—they hold an

athletic contest, which includes the whole list of games, and they offer

in prizes cattle and cloaks and skins: and when I inquired why to them

alone Perseus was wont to appear, and wherefore they were separated from

all the other Egyptians in that they held an athletic contest, they said

that Perseus had been born of their city, for Danaos and Lynkeus were

men of Chemmis and had sailed to Hellas, and from them they traced a

descent and came down to Perseus: and they told me that he had come to

Egypt for the reason which the Hellenes also say, namely to bring from

Libya the Gorgon's head, and had then visited them also and recognised

all his kinsfolk, and they said that he had well learnt the name of

Chemmis before he came to Egypt, since he had heard it from his mother,

and that they celebrated an athletic contest for him by his own command.

92. All these are customs practised by the Egyptians who dwell above the

fens: and those who are settled in the fen-land have the same customs

for the most part as the other Egyptians, both in other matters and also

in that they live each with one wife only, as do the Hellenes; but for

economy in respect of food they have invented these things besides:—when

the river has become full and the plains have been flooded, there grow

in the water great numbers of lilies, which the Egyptians call lotos;

these they cut with a sickle and dry in the sun, and then they pound

that which grows in the middle of the lotos and which is like the head

of a poppy, and they make of it loaves baked with fire. The root also

of this lotos is edible and has a rather sweet taste: 77 it is round

in shape and about the size of an apple. There are other lilies too, in

flower resembling roses, which also grow in the river, and from them the

fruit is produced in a separate vessel springing from the root by the

side of the plant itself, and very nearly resembles a wasp's comb:

in this there grow edible seeds in great numbers of the size of an

olive-stone, and they are eaten either fresh 78 or dried. Besides this

they pull up from the fens the papyrus which grows every year, and the

upper parts of it they cut off and turn to other uses, but that which is

left below for about a cubit in length they eat or sell: and those who

desire to have the papyrus at its very best bake it in an oven heated

red-hot, and then eat it. Some too of these people live on fish alone,

which they dry in the sun after having caught them and taken out the

entrails, and then when they are dry, they use them for food.

93. Fish which swim in shoals are not much produced in the rivers, but

are bred in the lakes, and they do as follows:—When there comes upon

them the desire to breed, they swim out in shoals towards the sea; and

the males lead the way shedding forth their milt as they go, while the

females, coming after and swallowing it up, from it become impregnated:

and when they have become full of young in the sea they swim up back

again, each shoal to its own haunts. The same however no longer lead the

way as before, but the lead comes now to the females, and they leading

the way in shoals do just as the males did, that is to say they shed

forth their eggs by a few grains at a time, 79 and the males coming

after swallow them up. Now these grains are fish, and from the grains

which survive and are not swallowed, the fish grow which afterwards are

bred up. Now those of the fish which are caught as they swim out to sea

are found to be rubbed on the left side of the head, but those which are

caught as they swim up again are rubbed on the right side. This happens

to them because as they swim down to the sea they keep close to the land

on the left side of the river, and again as they swim up they keep to

the same side, approaching and touching the bank as much as they can,

for fear doubtless of straying from their course by reason of the

stream. When the Nile begins to swell, the hollow places of the land

and the depressions by the side of the river first begin to fill, as the

water soaks through from the river, and so soon as they become full of

water, at once they are all filled with little fishes; and whence

these are in all likelihood produced, I think that I perceive. In the

preceding year, when the Nile goes down, the fish first lay eggs in the

mud and then retire with the last of the retreating waters; and when

the time comes round again, and the water once more comes over the land,

from these eggs forthwith are produced the fishes of which I speak.

94. Thus it is as regards the fish. And for anointing those of the

Egyptians who dwell in the fens use oil from the castor-berry, 80 which

oil the Egyptians call kiki, and thus they do:—they sow along the banks

of the rivers and pools these plants, which in a wild form grow of

themselves in the land of the Hellenes; these are sown in Egypt and

produce berries in great quantity but of an evil smell; and when they

have gathered these, some cut them up and press the oil from them,

others again roast them first and then boil them down and collect that

which runs away from them. The oil is fat and not less suitable for

burning than olive-oil, but it gives forth a disagreeable smell.

95. Against the gnats, which are very abundant, they have contrived as

follows:—those who dwell above the fen-land are helped by the towers, to

which they ascend when they go to rest; for the gnats by reason of the

winds are not able to fly up high: but those who dwell in the fen-land

have contrived another way instead of the towers, and this is it:—every

man of them has got a casting net, with which by day he catches fish,

but in the night he uses it for this purpose, that is to say he puts the

casting-net round about the bed in which he sleeps, and then creeps in

under it and goes to sleep: and the gnats, if he sleeps rolled up in a

garment or a linen sheet, bite through these, but through the net they

do not even attempt to bite.

96. Their boats with which they carry cargoes are made of the thorny

acacia, of which the form is very like that of the Kyrenian lotos, and

that which exudes from it is gum. From this tree they cut pieces of wood

about two cubits in length and arrange them like bricks, fastening

the boat together by running a great number of long bolts through the

two-cubit pieces; and when they have thus fastened the boat together,

they lay cross-pieces 81 over the top, using no ribs for the sides; and

within they caulk the seams with papyrus. They make one steering-oar for

it, which is passed through the bottom of the boat; and they have a mast

of acacia and sails of papyrus. These boats cannot sail up the river

unless there be a very fresh wind blowing, but are towed from the shore:

down-stream however they travel as follows:—they have a door-shaped

crate made of tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, and also a

stone of about two talents weight bored with a hole; and of these the

boatman lets the crate float on in front of the boat, fastened with a

rope, and the stone drag behind by another rope. The crate then, as the

force of the stream presses upon it, goes on swiftly and draws on the

baris (for so these boats are called), while the stone dragging after it

behind and sunk deep in the water keeps its course straight. These boats

they have in great numbers and some of them carry many thousands of

talents' burden.

97. When the Nile comes over the land, the cities alone are seen rising

above the water, resembling more nearly than anything else the islands

in the Egean sea; for the rest of Egypt becomes a sea and the cities

alone rise above water. Accordingly, whenever this happens, they pass

by water not now by the channels of the river but over the midst of

the plain: for example, as one sails up from Naucratis to Memphis the

passage is then close by the pyramids, whereas the usual passage is not

the same even here, 82 but goes by the point of the Delta and the city

of Kercasoros; while if you sail over the plain to Naucratis from the

sea and from Canobos, you will go by Anthylla and the city called after

Archander.

98. Of these Anthylla is a city of note and is especially assigned to

the wife of him who reigns over Egypt, to supply her with sandals, (this

is the case since the time when Egypt came to be under the Persians):

the other city seems to me to have its name from Archander the

son-in-law of Danaos, who was the son of Phthios, the son of Achaios;

for it is called the City of Archander. There might indeed be another

Archander, but in any case the name is not Egyptian.

99. Hitherto my own observation and judgment and inquiry are the

vouchers for that which I have said; but from this point onwards I am

about to tell the history of Egypt according to that which I heard, to

which will be added also something of that which I have myself seen.

Of Min, who first became king of Egypt, the priests said that on the

one hand he banked off the site of Memphis from the river: for the whole

stream of the river used to flow along by the sandy mountain-range on

the side of Libya, but Min formed by embankments that bend of the river

which lies to the South about a hundred furlongs above Memphis, and thus

he dried up the old stream and conducted the river so that it flowed in

the middle between the mountains: and even now this bend of the Nile is

by the Persians kept under very careful watch, that it may flow in the

channel to which it is confined, 83 and the bank is repaired every year;

for if the river should break through and overflow in this direction,

Memphis would be in danger of being overwhelmed by flood. When this Min,

who first became king, had made into dry land the part which was dammed

off, on the one hand, I say, he founded in it that city which is now

called Memphis; for Memphis too is in the narrow part of Egypt; 84

and outside the city he dug round it on the North and West a lake

communicating with the river, for the side towards the East is barred by

the Nile itself. Then secondly he established in the city the temple of

Hephaistos a great work and most worthy of mention.

100. After this man the priests enumerated to me from a papyrus roll

the names of other kings, three hundred and thirty in number; and in all

these generations of men eighteen were Ethiopians, one was a woman, a

native Egyptian, and the rest were men and of Egyptian race: and the

name of the woman who reigned was the same as that of the Babylonian

queen, namely Nitocris. Of her they said that desiring to take vengeance

for her brother, whom the Egyptians had slain when he was their king and

then, after having slain him, had given his kingdom to her,—desiring,

I say, to take vengeance for him, she destroyed by craft many of the

Egyptians. For she caused to be constructed a very large chamber under

ground, and making as though she would handsel it but in her mind

devising other things, she invited those of the Egyptians whom she knew

to have had most part in the murder, and gave a great banquet. Then

while they were feasting, she let in the river upon them by a secret

conduit of large size. Of her they told no more than this, except that,

when this had been accomplished, she threw herself into a room full of

embers, in order that she might escape vengeance.

101. As for the other kings, they could tell me of no great works which

had been produced by them, and they said that they had no renown 85

except only the last of them, Moris: he (they said) produced as a

memorial of himself the gateway of the temple of Hephaistos which is

turned towards the North Wind, and dug a lake, about which I shall set

forth afterwards how many furlongs of circuit it has, and in it built

pyramids of the size which I shall mention at the same time when I speak

of the lake itself. He, they said, produced these works, but of the rest

none produced any.

102. Therefore passing these by I shall make mention of the king who

came after these, whose name was Sesostris. He (the priests said) first

of all set out with ships of war from the Arabian gulf and subdued those

who dwelt by the shores of the Erythraian Sea, until as he sailed he

came to a sea which could no further be navigated by reason of shoals:

then secondly, after he had returned to Egypt, according to the report

of the priests he took a great army 86 and marched over the continent,

subduing every nation which stood in his way: and those of them whom he

found valiant and fighting desperately for their freedom, in their lands

he set up pillars which told by inscriptions his own name and the name

of his country, and how he had subdued them by his power; but as to

those of whose cities he obtained possession without fighting or with

ease, on their pillars he inscribed words after the same tenor as he did

for the nations which had shown themselves courageous, and in addition

he drew upon them the hidden parts of a woman, desiring to signify by

this that the people were cowards and effeminate.

103. Thus doing he traversed the continent, until at last he passed over

to Europe from Asia and subdued the Scythians and also the Thracians.

These, I am of opinion, were the furthest 87 people to which the

Egyptian army came, for in their country the pillars are found to have

been set up, but in the land beyond this they are no longer found. From

this point he turned and began to go back; and when he came to the river

Phasis, what happened then I cannot say for certain, whether the king

Sesostris himself divided off a certain portion of his army and left the

men there as settlers in the land, or whether some of his soldiers were

wearied by his distant marches and remained by the river Phasis.

104. For the people of Colchis are evidently Egyptian, and this I

perceived for myself before I heard it from others. So when I had

come to consider the matter I asked them both; and the Colchians had

remembrance of the Egyptians more than the Egyptians of the Colchians;

but the Egyptians said they believed that the Colchians were a portion

of the army of Sesostris. That this was so I conjectured myself not

only because they are dark-skinned and have curly hair (this of itself

amounts to nothing, for there are other races which are so), but also

still more because the Colchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians alone of

all the races of men have practised circumcision from the first. The

Phenicians and the Syrians 88 who dwell in Palestine confess themselves

that they have learnt it from the Egyptians, and the Syrians 89 about

the river Thermodon and the river Parthenios, and the Macronians, who

are their neighbours, say that they have learnt it lately from the

Colchians. These are the only races of men who practise circumcision,

and these evidently practise it in the same manner as the Egyptians. Of

the Egyptians themselves however and the Ethiopians, I am not able to

say which learnt from the other, for undoubtedly it is a most ancient

custom; but that the other nations learnt it by intercourse with the

Egyptians, this among others is to me a strong proof, namely that those

of the Phenicians who have intercourse with Hellas cease to follow the

example of the Egyptians in this matter, and do not circumcise their

children.

105. Now let me tell another thing about the Colchians to show how they

resemble the Egyptians:—they alone work flax in the same fashion as the

Egyptians, 90 and the two nations are like one another in their whole

manner of living and also in their language: now the linen of Colchis

is called by the Hellenes Sardonic, whereas that from Egypt is called

Egyptian.

106. The pillars which Sesostris of Egypt set up in the various

countries are for the most part no longer to be seen extant; but in

Syria Palestine I myself saw them existing with the inscription upon

them which I have mentioned and the emblem. Moreover in Ionia there are

two figures of this man carved upon rocks, one on the road by which one

goes from the land of Ephesos to Phocaia, and the other on the road from

Sardis to Smyrna. In each place there is a figure of a man cut in the

rock, of four cubits and a span in height, holding in his right hand a

spear and in his left a bow and arrows, and the other equipment which he

has is similar to this, for it is both Egyptian and Ethiopian: and from

the one shoulder to the other across the breast runs an inscription

carved in sacred Egyptian characters, saying thus, "This land with my

shoulders I won for myself." But who he is and from whence, he does not

declare in these places, though in other places he has declared this.

Some of those who have seen these carvings conjecture that the figure is

that of Memnon, but herein they are very far from the truth.

107. As this Egyptian Sesostris was returning and bringing back many

men of the nations whose lands he had subdued, when he came (said the

priests) to Daphnai in the district of Pelusion on his journey home, his

brother to whom Sesostris had entrusted the charge of Egypt invited him

and with him his sons to a feast; and then he piled the house round

with brushwood and set it on fire: and Sesostris when he discovered this

forthwith took counsel with his wife, for he was bringing with him (they

said) his wife also; and she counselled him to lay out upon the pyre two

of his sons, which were six in number, and so to make a bridge over

the burning mass, and that they passing over their bodies should thus

escape. This, they said, Sesostris did, and two of his sons were burnt

to death in this manner, but the rest got away safe with their father.

108. Then Sesostris, having returned to Egypt and having taken vengeance

on his brother, employed the multitude which he had brought in of those

whose lands he had subdued, as follows:—these were they who drew the

stones which in the reign of this king were brought to the temple of

Hephaistos, being of very great size; and also these were compelled to

dig all the channels which now are in Egypt; and thus (having no such

purpose) they caused Egypt, which before was all fit for riding and

driving, to be no longer fit for this from thenceforth: for from that

time forward Egypt, though it is plain land, has become all unfit for

riding and driving, and the cause has been these channels, which are

many and run in all directions. But the reason why the king cut up

the land was this, namely because those of the Egyptians who had their

cities not on the river but in the middle of the country, being in want

of water when the river went down from them, found their drink brackish

because they had it from wells.

109. For this reason Egypt was cut up; and they said that this king

distributed the land to all the Egyptians, giving an equal square

portion to each man, and from this he made his revenue, having appointed

them to pay a certain rent every year: and if the river should take away

anything from any man's portion, he would come to the king and declare

that which had happened, and the king used to send men to examine and to

find out by measurement how much less the piece of land had become, in

order that for the future the man might pay less, in proportion to the

rent appointed: and I think that thus the art of geometry was found out

and afterwards came into Hellas also. For as touching the sun-dial 91

and the gnomon 92 and the twelve divisions of the day, they were learnt

by the Hellenes from the Babylonians.

110. He moreover alone of all the Egyptian kings had rule over Ethiopia;

and he left as memorials of himself in front of the temple of Hephaistos

two stone statues of thirty cubits each, representing himself and his

wife, and others of twenty cubits each representing his four sons: and

long afterwards the priest of Hephaistos refused to permit Dareios the

Persian to set up a statue of himself in front of them, saying that

deeds had not been done by him equal to those which were done by

Sesostris the Egyptian; for Sesostris had subdued other nations besides,

not fewer than he, and also the Scythians; but Dareios had not been able

to conquer the Scythians: wherefore it was not just that he should set

up a statue in front of those which Sesostris had dedicated, if he did

not surpass him in his deeds. Which speech, they say, Dareios took in

good part.

111. Now after Sesostris had brought his life to an end, his son Pheros,

they told me, received in succession the kingdom, and he made no warlike

expedition, and moreover it chanced to him to become blind by reason of

the following accident:—when the river had come down in flood rising to

a height of eighteen cubits, higher than ever before that time, and had

gone over the fields, a wind fell upon it and the river became agitated

by waves: and this king (they say) moved by presumptuous folly took

a spear and cast it into the midst of the eddies of the stream; and

immediately upon this he had a disease of the eyes and was by it made

blind. For ten years then he was blind, and in the eleventh year there

came to him an oracle from the city of Buto saying that the time of his

punishment had expired, and that he should see again if he washed his

eyes with the water of a woman who had accompanied with her own husband

only and had not knowledge of other men: and first he made trial of his

own wife, and then, as he continued blind, he went on to try all the

women in turn; and when he had at last regained his sight he gathered

together all the women of whom he had made trial, excepting her by

whose means he had regained his sight, to one city which now is named

Erythrabolos, 93 and having gathered them to this he consumed them all

by fire, as well as the city itself; but as for her by whose means he

had regained his sight, he had her himself to wife. Then after he had

escaped the malady of his eyes he dedicated offerings at each one of the

temples which were of renown, and especially (to mention only that which

is most worthy of mention) he dedicated at the temple of the Sun works

which are worth seeing, namely two obelisks of stone, each of a single

block, measuring in length a hundred cubits each one and in breadth

eight cubits.

112. After him, they said, there succeeded to the throne a man of

Memphis, whose name in the tongue of the Hellenes was Proteus; for whom

there is now a sacred enclosure at Memphis, very fair and well ordered,

lying on that side of the temple of Hephaistos which faces the North

Wind. Round about this enclosure dwell Phenicians of Tyre, and this

whole region is called the Camp of the Tyrians. 94 Within the enclosure

of Proteus there is a temple called the temple of the "foreign

Aphrodite," which temple I conjecture to be one of Helen the daughter of

Tyndareus, not only because I have heard the tale how Helen dwelt with

Proteus, but also especially because it is called by the name of the

"foreign Aphrodite," for the other temples of Aphrodite which there are

have none of them the addition of the word "foreign" to the name.

113. And the priests told me, when I inquired, that the things

concerning Helen happened thus:—Alexander having carried off Helen was

sailing away from Sparta to his own land, and when he had come to the

Egean Sea contrary winds drove him from his course to the Sea of Egypt;

and after that, since the blasts did not cease to blow, he came to Egypt

itself, and in Egypt to that which is now named the Canobic mouth of the

Nile and to Taricheiai. Now there was upon the shore, as still there is

now, a temple of Heracles, in which if any man's slave take refuge and

have the sacred marks set upon him, giving himself over to the god, it

is not lawful to lay hands upon him; and this custom has continued

still unchanged from the beginning down to my own time. Accordingly the

attendants of Alexander, having heard of the custom which existed about

the temple, ran away from him, and sitting down as suppliants of the

god, accused Alexander, because they desired to do him hurt, telling

the whole tale how things were about Helen and about the wrong done to

Menelaos; and this accusation they made not only to the priests but also

to the warden of this river-mouth, whose name was Thonis.

114. Thonis then having heard their tale sent forthwith a message to

Proteus at Memphis, which said as follows: "There hath come a stranger,

a Teucrian by race, who hath done in Hellas an unholy deed; for he hath

deceived the wife of his own host, and is come hither bringing with him

this woman herself and very much wealth, having been carried out of

his way by winds to thy land. 95 Shall we then allow him to sail out

unharmed, or shall we first take away from him that which he brought

with him?" In reply to this Proteus sent back a messenger who said thus:

"Seize this man, whosoever he may be, who has done impiety to his own

host, and bring him away into my presence, that I may know what he will

find to say."

115. Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexander and detained his ships, and

after that he brought the man himself up to Memphis and with him Helen

and the wealth he had, and also in addition to them the suppliants. So

when all had been conveyed up thither, Proteus began to ask Alexander

who he was and from whence he was voyaging; and he both recounted to

him his descent and told him the name of his native land, and moreover

related of his voyage, from whence he was sailing. After this Proteus

asked him whence he had taken Helen; and when Alexander went astray in

his account and did not speak the truth, those who had become suppliants

convicted him of falsehood, relating in full the whole tale of the wrong

done. At length Proteus declared to them this sentence, saying, "Were

it not that I count it a matter of great moment not to slay any of those

strangers who being driven from their course by winds have come to my

land hitherto, I should have taken vengeance on thee on behalf of the

man of Hellas, seeing that thou, most base of men, having received from

him hospitality, didst work against him a most impious deed. For thou

didst go in to the wife of thine own host; and even this was not enough

for thee, but thou didst stir her up with desire and hast gone away with

her like a thief. Moreover not even this by itself was enough for thee,

but thou art come hither with plunder taken from the house of thy host.

Now therefore depart, seeing that I have counted it of great moment not

to be a slayer of strangers. This woman indeed and the wealth which thou

hast I will not allow thee to carry away, but I shall keep them safe for

the Hellene who was thy host, until he come himself and desire to carry

them off to his home; to thyself however and thy fellow-voyagers I

proclaim that ye depart from your anchoring within three days and go

from my land to some other; and if not, that ye will be dealt with as

enemies."

116. This the priests said was the manner of Helen's coming to Proteus;

and I suppose that Homer also had heard this story, but since it was

not so suitable to the composition of his poem as the other which he

followed, he dismissed it finally, 96 making it clear at the same time

that he was acquainted with that story also: and according to the manner

in which he described 97 the wanderings of Alexander in the Iliad (nor

did he elsewhere retract that which he had said) it is clear that when

he brought Helen he was carried out of his course, wandering to various

lands, and that he came among other places to Sidon in Phenicia. Of this

the poet has made mention in the "prowess of Diomede," and the verses

run this: 98

"There she had robes many-coloured, the works of women of Sidon,

Those whom her son himself the god-like of form Alexander

Carried from Sidon, what time the broad sea-path he sailed over

Bringing back Helene home, of a noble father begotten."

And in the Odyssey also he has made mention of it in these verses: 99

"Such had the daughter of Zeus, such drugs of exquisite cunning,

Good, which to her the wife of Thon, Polydamna, had given,

Dwelling in Egypt, the land where the bountiful meadow produces

Drugs more than all lands else, many good being mixed, many evil."

And thus too Menelaos says to Telemachos: 100

"Still the gods stayed me in Egypt, to come back hither desiring,

Stayed me from voyaging home, since sacrifice was due I performed not."

In these lines he makes it clear that he knew of the wandering of

Alexander to Egypt, for Syria borders upon Egypt and the Phenicians, of

whom is Sidon, dwell in Syria.

117. By these lines and by this passage 101 it is also most clearly

shown that the "Cyprian Epic" was not written by Homer but by some other

man: for in this it is said that on the third day after leaving

Sparta Alexander came to Ilion bringing with him Helen, having had a

"gently-blowing wind and a smooth sea," whereas in the Iliad it says

that he wandered from his course when he brought her.

118. Let us now leave Homer and the "Cyprian" Epic; but this I will say,

namely that I asked the priests whether it is but an idle tale which

the Hellenes tell of that which they say happened about Ilion; and they

answered me thus, saying that they had their knowledge by inquiries from

Menelaos himself. After the rape of Helen there came indeed, they said,

to the Teucrian land a large army of Hellenes to help Menelaos; and

when the army had come out of the ships to land and had pitched its

camp there, they sent messengers to Ilion, with whom went also Menelaos

himself; and when these entered within the wall they demanded back Helen

and the wealth which Alexander had stolen from Menelaos and had taken

away; and moreover they demanded satisfaction for the wrongs done: and

the Teucrians told the same tale then and afterwards, both with oath and

without oath, namely that in deed and in truth they had not Helen nor

the wealth for which demand was made, but that both were in Egypt; and

that they could not justly be compelled to give satisfaction for that

which Proteus the king of Egypt had. The Hellenes however thought that

they were being mocked by them and besieged the city, until at last they

took it; and when they had taken the wall and did not find Helen, but

heard the same tale as before, then they believed the former tale and

sent Menelaos himself to Proteus.

119. And Menelaos having come to Egypt and having sailed up to Memphis,

told the truth of these matters, and not only found great entertainment,

but also received Helen unhurt, and all his own wealth besides. Then

however, after he had been thus dealt with, Menelaos showed himself

ungrateful to the Egyptians; for when he set forth to sail away,

contrary winds detained him, and as this condition of things lasted

long, he devised an impious deed; for he took two children of natives

and made sacrifice of them. After this, when it was known that he had

done so, he became abhorred, and being pursued he escaped and got away

in his ships to Libya; but whither he went besides after this, the

Egyptians were not able to tell. Of these things they said that they

found out part by inquiries, and the rest, namely that which happened in

their own land, they related from sure and certain knowledge.

120. Thus the priests of the Egyptians told me; and I myself also agree

with the story which was told of Helen, adding this consideration,

namely that if Helen had been in Ilion she would have been given up to

the Hellenes, whether Alexander consented or no; for Priam assuredly was

not so mad, nor yet the others of his house, that they were desirous to

run risk of ruin for themselves and their children and their city, in

order that Alexander might have Helen as his wife: and even supposing

that during the first part of the time they had been so inclined, yet

when many others of the Trojans besides were losing their lives as

often as they fought with the Hellenes, and of the sons of Priam himself

always two or three or even more were slain when a battle took place (if

one may trust at all to the Epic poets),—when, I say, things were coming

thus to pass, I consider that even if Priam himself had had Helen as his

wife, he would have given her back to the Achaians, if at least by so

doing he might be freed from the evils which oppressed him. Nor even

was the kingdom coming to Alexander next, so that when Priam was old the

government was in his hands; but Hector, who was both older and more of

a man than he, would have received it after the death of Priam; and

him it behoved not to allow his brother to go on with his wrong-doing,

considering that great evils were coming to pass on his account both to

himself privately and in general to the other Trojans. In truth however

they lacked the power to give Helen back; and the Hellenes did not

believe them, though they spoke the truth; because, as I declare my

opinion, the divine power was purposing to cause them utterly to perish,

and so make it evident to men that for great wrongs great also are the

chastisements which come from the gods. And thus have I delivered my

opinion concerning these matters.

121. After Proteus, they told me, Rhampsinitos received in succession

the kingdom, who left as a memorial of himself that gateway to the

temple of Hephaistos which is turned towards the West, and in front of

the gateway he set up two statues, in height five-and-twenty cubits, of

which the one which stands on the North side is called by the Egyptians

Summer and the one on the South side Winter; and to that one which they

call Summer they do reverence and make offerings, while to the other

which is called Winter they do the opposite of these things. (a) This

king, they said, got great wealth of silver, which none of the kings

born after him could surpass or even come near to; and wishing to store

his wealth in safety he caused to be built a chamber of stone, one of

the walls whereof was towards the outside of his palace: and the builder

of this, having a design against it, contrived as follows, that is, he

disposed one of the stones in such a manner that it could be taken

out easily from the wall either by two men or even by one. So when the

chamber was finished, the king stored his money in it, and after some

time the builder, being near the end of his life, called to him his sons

(for he had two) and to them he related how he had contrived in building

the treasury of the king, and all in forethought for them, that they

might have ample means of living. And when he had clearly set forth to

them everything concerning the taking out of the stone, he gave them the

measurements, saying that if they paid heed to this matter they would be

stewards of the king's treasury. So he ended his life, and his sons made

no long delay in setting to work, but went to the palace by night, and

having found the stone in the wall of the chamber they dealt with it

easily and carried forth for themselves great quantity of the wealth

within. (b) And the king happening to open the chamber, he marvelled

when he saw the vessels falling short of the full amount, and he did not

know on whom he should lay the blame, since the seals were unbroken and

the chamber had been close shut; but when upon his opening the chamber

a second and a third time the money was each time seen to be diminished,

for the thieves did not slacken in their assaults upon it, he did as

follows:—having ordered traps to be made he set these round about the

vessels in which the money was; and when the thieves had come as at

former times and one of them had entered, then so soon as he came near

to one of the vessels he was straightway caught in the trap: and when he

perceived in what evil case he was, straightway calling his brother

he showed him what the matter was, and bade him enter as quickly as

possible and cut off his head, for fear lest being seen and known he

might bring about the destruction of his brother also. And to the other

it seemed that he spoke well, and he was persuaded and did so; and

fitting the stone into its place he departed home bearing with him the

head of his brother. (c) Now when it became day, the king entered into

the chamber and was very greatly amazed, seeing the body of the thief

held in the trap without his head, and the chamber unbroken, with no way

to come in or go out: and being at a loss he hung up the dead body of

the thief upon the wall and set guards there, with charge if they saw

any one weeping or bewailing himself to seize him and bring him before

the king. And when the dead body had been hung up, the mother was

greatly grieved, and speaking with the son who survived she enjoined

him, in whatever way he could, to contrive means by which he might

take down and bring home the body of his dead brother; and if he should

neglect to do this, she earnestly threatened that she would go and give

information to the king that he had the money. (d) So as the mother

dealt hardly with the surviving son, and he though saying many things

to her did not persuade her, he contrived for his purpose a device as

follows:—Providing himself with asses he filled some skins with wine and

laid them upon the asses, and after that he drove them along: and when

he came opposite to those who were guarding the corpse hung up, he drew

towards him two or three of the necks 102 of the skins and loosened the

cords with which they were tied. Then when the wine was running out,

he began to beat his head and cry out loudly, as if he did not know to

which of the asses he should first turn; and when the guards saw the

wine flowing out in streams, they ran together to the road with drinking

vessels in their hands and collected the wine that was poured out,

counting it so much gain; and he abused them all violently, making as if

he were angry, but when the guards tried to appease him, after a time

he feigned to be pacified and to abate his anger, and at length he drove

his asses out of the road and began to set their loads right. Then more

talk arose among them, and one or two of them made jests at him and

brought him to laugh with them; and in the end he made them a present of

one of the skins in addition to what they had. Upon that they lay down

there without more ado, being minded to drink, and they took him into

their company and invited him to remain with them and join them in their

drinking: so he (as may be supposed) was persuaded and stayed. Then as

they in their drinking bade him welcome in a friendly manner, he made

a present to them also of another of the skins; and so at length having

drunk liberally the guards became completely intoxicated; and being

overcome by sleep they went to bed on the spot where they had been

drinking. He then, as it was now far on in the night, first took down

the body of his brother, and then in mockery shaved the right cheeks of

all the guards; and after that he put the dead body upon the asses and

drove them away home, having accomplished that which was enjoined him by

his mother. (e) Upon this the king, when it was reported to him that the

dead body of the thief had been stolen away, displayed great anger; and

desiring by all means that it should be found out who it might be who

devised these things, did this (so at least they said, but I do not

believe the account),—he caused his own daughter to sit in the stews,

and enjoined her to receive all equally, and before having commerce with

any one to compel him to tell her what was the most cunning and what the

most unholy deed which had been done by him in all his life-time; and

whosoever should relate that which had happened about the thief, him she

must seize and not let him go out. Then as she was doing that which was

enjoined by her father, the thief, hearing for what purpose this was

done and having a desire to get the better of the king in resource,

did thus:—from the body of one lately dead he cut off the arm at the

shoulder and went with it under his mantle: and having gone in to the

daughter of the king, and being asked that which the others also were

asked, he related that he had done the most unholy deed when he cut off

the head of his brother, who had been caught in a trap in the king's

treasure-chamber, and the most cunning deed in that he made drunk the

guards and took down the dead body of his brother hanging up; and she

when she heard it tried to take hold of him, but the thief held out to

her in the darkness the arm of the corpse, which she grasped and held,

thinking that she was holding the arm of the man himself; but the thief

left it in her hands and departed, escaping through the door. (f) Now

when this also was reported to the king, he was at first amazed at the

ready invention and daring of the fellow, and then afterwards he sent

round to all the cities and made proclamation granting a free pardon to

the thief, and also promising a great reward if he would come into his

presence. The thief accordingly trusting to the proclamation came to

the king, and Rhampsinitos greatly marvelled at him, and gave him this

daughter of his to wife, counting him to be the most knowing of all men;

for as the Egyptians were distinguished from all other men, so was he

from the other Egyptians.

122. After these things they said this king went down alive to that

place which by the Hellenes is called Hades, and there played at dice

with Demeter, and in some throws he overcame her and in others he was

overcome by her; and he came back again having as a gift from her a

handkerchief of gold: and they told me that because of the going down of

Rhampsinitos the Egyptians after he came back celebrated a feast, which

I know of my own knowledge also that they still observe even to my time;

but whether it is for this cause that they keep the feast or for

some other, I am not able to say. However, the priests weave a robe

completely on the very day of the feast, and forthwith they bind up the

eyes of one of them with a fillet, and having led him with the robe to

the way by which one goes to the temple of Demeter, they depart back

again themselves. This priest, they say, with his eyes bound up is led

by two wolves to the temple of Demeter, which is distant from the city

twenty furlongs, and then afterwards the wolves lead him back again from

the temple to the same spot.

123. Now as to the tales told by the Egyptians, any man may accept them

to whom such things appear credible; as for me, it is to be understood

throughout the whole of the history 103 that I write by hearsay that

which is reported by the people in each place. The Egyptians say that

Demeter and Dionysos are rulers of the world below; and the Egyptians

are also the first who reported the doctrine that the soul of man is

immortal, and that when the body dies, the soul enters into another

creature which chances then to be coming to the birth, and when it has

gone the round of all the creatures of land and sea and of the air, it

enters again into a human body as it comes to the birth; and that it

makes this round in a period of three thousand years. This doctrine

certain Hellenes adopted, some earlier and some later, as if it were

of their own invention, and of these men I know the names but I abstain

from recording them.

124. Down to the time when Rhampsinitos was king, they told me there

was in Egypt nothing but orderly rule, and Egypt prospered greatly; but

after him Cheops became king over them and brought them 104 to every

kind of evil: for he shut up all the temples, and having first kept them

from sacrificing there, he then bade all the Egyptians work for him.

So some were appointed to draw stones from the stone-quarries in the

Arabian mountains to the Nile, and others he ordered to receive the

stones after they had been carried over the river in boats, and to draw

them to those which are called the Libyan mountains; and they worked by

a hundred thousand men at a time, for each three months continually. Of

this oppression there passed ten years while the causeway was made by

which they drew the stones, which causeway they built, and it is a work

not much less, as it appears to me, than the pyramid; for the length

of it is five furlongs 105 and the breadth ten fathoms and the height,

where it is highest, eight fathoms, and it is made of stone smoothed

and with figures carved upon it. For this, they said, the ten years

were spent, and for the underground chambers on the hill upon which the

pyramids stand, which he caused to be made as sepulchral chambers for

himself in an island, having conducted thither a channel from the Nile.

For the making of the pyramid itself there passed a period of twenty

years; and the pyramid is square, each side measuring eight hundred

feet, and the height of it is the same. It is built of stone smoothed

and fitted together in the most perfect manner, not one of the stones

being less than thirty feet in length.

125. This pyramid was made after the manner of steps, which some call

"rows" 106 and others "bases": 107 and when they had first made it thus,

they raised the remaining stones with machines made of short pieces of

timber, raising them first from the ground to the first stage of the

steps, and when the stone got up to this it was placed upon another

machine standing on the first stage, and so from this it was drawn to

the second upon another machine; for as many as were the courses of the

steps, so many machines there were also, or perhaps they transferred

one and the same machine, made so as easily to be carried, to each stage

successively, in order that they might take up the stones; for let it be

told in both ways, according as it is reported. However that may be, the

highest parts of it were finished first, and afterwards they proceeded

to finish that which came next to them, and lastly they finished the

parts of it near the ground and the lowest ranges. On the pyramid it is

declared in Egyptian writing how much was spent on radishes and onions

and leeks for the workmen, and if I rightly remember that which the

interpreter said in reading to me this inscription, a sum of one

thousand six hundred talents of silver was spent; and if this is so, how

much besides is likely to have been expended upon the iron with which

they worked, and upon bread and clothing for the workmen, seeing that

they were building the works for the time which has been mentioned and

were occupied for no small time besides, as I suppose, in the cutting

and bringing of the stones and in working at the excavation under the

ground?

126. Cheops moreover came, they said, to such a pitch of wickedness,

that being in want of money he caused his own daughter to sit in the

stews, and ordered her to obtain from those who came a certain amount of

money (how much it was they did not tell me); but she not only obtained

the sum appointed by her father, but also she formed a design for

herself privately to leave behind her a memorial, and she requested each

man who came in to her to give her one stone upon her building: and of

these stones, they told me, the pyramid was built which stands in front

of the great pyramid in the middle of the three, 108 each side being one

hundred and fifty feet in length.

127. This Cheops, the Egyptians said, reigned fifty years; and after

he was dead his brother Chephren succeeded to the kingdom. This king

followed the same manner as the other, both in all the rest and also in

that he made a pyramid, not indeed attaining to the measurements of that

which was built by the former (this I know, having myself also measured

it), and moreover 109 there are no underground chambers beneath nor does

a channel come from the Nile flowing to this one as to the other, in

which the water coming through a conduit built for it flows round an

island within, where they say that Cheops himself is laid: but for a

basement he built the first course of Ethiopian stone of divers colours;

and this pyramid he made forty feet lower than the other as regards

size, 110 building it close to the great pyramid. These stand both upon

the same hill, which is about a hundred feet high. And Chephren they

said reigned fifty and six years.

128. Here then they reckon one hundred and six years, during which they

say that there was nothing but evil for the Egyptians, and the temples

were kept closed and not opened during all that time. These kings the

Egyptians by reason of their hatred of them are not very willing to

name; nay, they even call the pyramids after the name of Philitis 111

the shepherd, who at that time pastured flocks in those regions.

129. After him, they said, Mykerinos became king over Egypt, who was the

son of Cheops; and to him his father's deeds were displeasing, and he

both opened the temples and gave liberty to the people, who were ground

down to the last extremity of evil, to return to their own business and

to their sacrifices;: also he gave decisions of their causes juster

than those of all the other kings besides. In regard to this then they

commend this king more than all the other kings who had arisen in Egypt

before him; for he not only gave good decisions, but also when a man

complained of the decision, he gave him recompense from his own goods

and thus satisfied his desire. But while Mykerinos was acting mercifully

to his subjects and practising this conduct which has been said,

calamities befell him, of which the first was this, namely that his

daughter died, the only child whom he had in his house: and being above

measure grieved by that which had befallen him, and desiring to bury his

daughter in a manner more remarkable than others, he made a cow of

wood, which he covered over with gold, and then within it he buried this

daughter who, as I said, had died.

130. This cow was not covered up in the ground, but it might be seen

even down to my own time in the city of Saïs, placed within the royal

palace in a chamber which was greatly adorned; and they offer incense of

all kinds before it every day, and each night a lamp burns beside it all

through the night. Near this cow in another chamber stand images of the

concubines of Mykerinos, as the priests at Saïs told me; for there are

in fact colossal wooden statues, in number about twenty, made with naked

bodies; but who they are I am not able to say, except only that which is

reported.

131. Some however tell about this cow and the colossal statues the

following tale, namely that Mykerinos was enamoured of his own daughter

and afterwards ravished her; and upon this they say that the girl

strangled herself for grief, and he buried her in this cow; and her

mother cut off the hands of the maids who had betrayed the daughter to

her father; wherefore now the images of them have suffered that which

the maids suffered in their life. In thus saying they speak idly, as it

seems to me, especially in what they say about the hands of the statues;

for as to this, even we ourselves saw that their hands had dropped off

from lapse of time, and they were to be seen still lying at their feet

even down to my time.

132. The cow is covered up with a crimson robe, except only the head and

the neck, which are seen, overlaid with gold very thickly; and between

the horns there is the disc of the sun figured in gold. The cow is not

standing up but kneeling, and in size it is equal to a large living cow.

Every year it is carried forth from the chamber, at those times, I say,

the Egyptians beat themselves for that god whom I will not name upon

occasion of such a matter; at these times, I say, they also carry forth

the cow to the light of day, for they say that she asked of her father

Mykerinos, when she was dying, that she might look upon the sun once in

the year.

133. After the misfortune of his daughter it happened, they said,

secondly to this king as follows:—An oracle came to him from the city

of Buto, saying that he was destined to live but six years more, in the

seventh year to end his life: and he being indignant at it sent to the

Oracle a reproach against the god, 112 making complaint in reply that

whereas his father and uncle, who had shut up the temples and had not

only not remembered the gods, but also had been destroyers of men, had

lived for a long time, he himself, who practised piety, was destined to

end his life so soon: and from the Oracle there came a second message,

which said that it was for this very cause that he was bringing his life

to a swift close; 113 for he had not done that which it was appointed

for him to do, since it was destined that Egypt should suffer evils for

a hundred and fifty years, and the two kings who had risen before him

had perceived this, but he had not. Mykerinos having heard this, and

considering that this sentence had been passed upon him beyond recall,

procured many lamps, and whenever night came on he lighted these and

began to drink and take his pleasure, ceasing neither by day nor

by night; and he went about to the fen-country and to the woods and

wherever he heard there were the most suitable places for enjoyment.

This he devised (having a mind to prove that the Oracle spoke falsely)

in order that he might have twelve years of life instead of six, the

nights being turned into days.

134. This king also left behind him a pyramid, much smaller than that of

his father, of a square shape and measuring on each side three hundred

feet lacking twenty, built moreover of Ethiopian stone up to half the

height. This pyramid some of the Hellenes say was built by the courtesan

Rhodopis, not therein speaking rightly: and besides this it is evident

to me that they who speak thus do not even know who Rhodopis was,

for otherwise they would not have attributed to her the building of a

pyramid like this, on which have been spent (so to speak) innumerable

thousands of talents: moreover they do not know that Rhodopis flourished

in the reign of Amasis, and not in this king's reign; for Rhodopis lived

very many years later than the kings who left behind the pyramids. By

descent she was of Thrace, and she was a slave of Iadmon the son of

Hephaistopolis a Samian, and a fellow-slave of Esop the maker of fables;

for he too was once the slave of Iadmon, as was proved especially

in this fact, namely that when the people of Delphi repeatedly made

proclamation in accordance with an oracle, to find some one who would

take up 114 the blood-money for the death of Esop, no one else appeared,

but at length the grandson of Iadmon, called Iadmon also, took it up;

and thus it is shown that Esop too was the slave of Iadmon.

135. As for Rhodopis, she came to Egypt brought by Xanthes the Samian,

and having come thither to exercise her calling she was redeemed

from slavery for a great sum by a man of Mytilene, Charaxos son of

Scamandronymos and brother of Sappho the lyric poet. Thus was Rhodopis

set free, and she remained in Egypt and by her beauty won so much liking

that she made great gain of money for one like Rhodopis, 115 though not

enough to suffice for the cost of such a pyramid as this. In truth there

is no need to ascribe to her very great riches, considering that the

tithe of her wealth may still be seen even to this time by any one

who desires it: for Rhodopis wished to leave behind her a memorial of

herself in Hellas, namely to cause a thing to be made such as happens

not to have been thought of or dedicated in a temple by any besides, and

to dedicate this at Delphi as a memorial of herself. Accordingly with

the tithe of her wealth she caused to be made spits of iron of size

large enough to pierce a whole ox, and many in number, going as far

therein as her tithe allowed her, and she sent them to Delphi: these

are even at the present time lying there, heaped all together behind the

altar which the Chians dedicated, and just opposite to the cell of the

temple. 116 Now at Naucratis, as it happens, the courtesans are rather

apt to win credit; 117 for this woman first, about whom the story to

which I refer is told, became so famous that all the Hellenes without

exception come to know the name of Rhodopis, and then after her one

whose name was Archidiche became a subject of song over all Hellas,

though she was less talked of than the other. As for Charaxos, when

after redeeming Rhodopis he returned back to Mytilene, Sappho in an ode

violently abused him. 118 Of Rhodopis then I shall say no more.

136. After Mykerinos the priests said Asychis became king of Egypt,

and he made for Hephaistos the temple gateway 119 which is towards the

sunrising, by far the most beautiful and the largest of the gateways;

for while they all have figures carved upon them and innumerable

ornaments of building 120 besides, this has them very much more than

the rest. In this king's reign they told me that, as the circulation of

money was very slow, a law was made for the Egyptians that a man might

have that money lent to him which he needed, by offering as security

the dead body of his father; and there was added moreover to this law

another, namely that he who lent the money should have a claim also to

the whole sepulchral chamber belonging to him who received it, and that

the man who offered that security should be subject to this penalty,

if he refused to pay back the debt, namely that neither the man himself

should be allowed to have burial when he died, either in that family

burial-place or in any other, nor should he be allowed to bury any one

of his kinsmen whom he lost by death. This king desiring to surpass the

kings of Egypt who had arisen before him left as a memorial of himself

a pyramid which he made of bricks, and on it there is an inscription

carved in stone and saying thus: "Despise not me in comparison with the

pyramids of stone, seeing that I excel them as much as Zeus excels the

other gods; for with a pole they struck into the lake, and whatever

of the mud attached itself to the pole, this they gathered up and made

bricks, and in such manner they finished me."

Such were the deeds which this king performed;

137, and after him reigned a blind man of the city of Anysis, whose

name was Anysis. In his reign the Ethiopians and Sabacos the king of the

Ethiopians marched upon Egypt with a great host of men; so this blind

man departed, flying to the fen-country, and the Ethiopian was king

over Egypt for fifty years, during which he performed deeds as

follows:—whenever any man of the Egyptians committed any transgression,

he would never put him to death, but he gave sentence upon each man

according to the greatness of the wrong-doing, appointing them work at

throwing up an embankment before that city from whence each man came of

those who committed wrong. Thus the cities were made higher still than

before; for they were embanked first by those who dug the channels in

the reign of Sesostris, and then secondly in the reign of the Ethiopian,

and thus they were made very high: and while other cities in Egypt also

stood 121 high, I think in the town at Bubastis especially the earth was

piled up. In this city there is a temple very well worthy of mention,

for though there are other temples which are larger and built with more

cost, none more than this is a pleasure to the eyes. Now Bubastis in the

Hellenic tongue is Artemis,

138, and her temple is ordered thus:—Except the entrance it is

completely surrounded by water; for channels come in from the Nile, not

joining one another, but each extending as far as the entrance of the

temple, one flowing round on the one side and the other on the other

side, each a hundred feet broad and shaded over with trees; and the

gateway has a height of ten fathoms, and it is adorned with figures six

cubits high, very noteworthy. This temple is in the middle of the city

and is looked down upon from all sides as one goes round, for since the

city has been banked up to a height, while the temple has not been moved

from the place where it was at the first built, it is possible to look

down into it: and round it runs a stone wall with figures carved upon

it, while within it there is a grove of very large trees planted round

a large temple-house, within which is the image of the goddess: and the

breadth and length of the temple is a furlong every way. Opposite the

entrance there is a road paved with stone for about three furlongs,

which leads through the market-place towards the East, with a breadth

of about four hundred feet; and on this side and on that grow trees of

height reaching to heaven: and the road leads to the temple of Hermes.

This temple then is thus ordered.

139. The final deliverance from the Ethiopian came about (they said)

as follows:—he fled away because he had seen in his sleep a vision, in

which it seemed to him that a man came and stood by him and counselled

him to gather together all the priests of Egypt and cut them asunder in

the midst. Having seen this dream, he said that it seemed to him that

the gods were foreshowing him this to furnish an occasion against him,

122 in order that he might do an impious deed with respect to religion,

and so receive some evil either from the gods or from men: he would not

however do so, but in truth (he said) the time had expired, during

which it had been prophesied to him that he should rule Egypt before

he departed thence. For when he was in Ethiopia the Oracles which the

Ethiopians consult had told him that it was fated for him to rule Egypt

fifty years: since then this time was now expiring, and the vision of

the dream also disturbed him, Sabacos departed out of Egypt of his own

free will.

140. Then when the Ethiopian had gone away out of Egypt, the blind man

came back from the fen-country and began to rule again, having lived

there during fifty years upon an island which he had made by heaping up

ashes and earth: for whenever any of the Egyptians visited him bringing

food, according as it had been appointed to them severally to do without

the knowledge of the Ethiopian, he bade them bring also some ashes for

their gift. 123 This island none was able to find before Amyrtaios; that

is, for more than seven hundred years 124 the kings who arose before

Amyrtaios were not able to find it. Now the name of this island is Elbo,

and its size is ten furlongs each way.

141. After him there came to the throne the priest of Hephaistos, whose

name was Sethos. This man, they said, neglected and held in no regard

the warrior class of the Egyptians, considering that he would have no

need of them; and besides other slights which he put upon them, he also

took from them the yokes of corn-land 125 which had been given to them

as a special gift in the reigns of the former kings, twelve yokes

to each man. After this, Sanacharib king of the Arabians and of the

Assyrians marched a great host against Egypt. Then the warriors of the

Egyptians refused to come to the rescue, and the priest, being driven

into a strait, entered into the sanctuary of the temple 126 and bewailed

to the image of the god the danger which was impending over him; and as

he was thus lamenting, sleep came upon him, and it seemed to him in his

vision that the god came and stood by him and encouraged him, saying

that he should suffer no evil if he went forth to meet the army of

the Arabians; for he himself would send him helpers. Trusting in

these things seen in sleep, he took with him, they said, those of the

Egyptians who were willing to follow him, and encamped in Pelusion, for

by this way the invasion came: and not one of the warrior class followed

him, but shop-keepers and artisans and men of the market. Then after

they came, there swarmed by night upon their enemies mice of the fields,

and ate up their quivers and their bows, and moreover the handles of

their shields, so that on the next day they fled, and being without

defence of arms great numbers fell. And at the present time this king

stands in the temple of Hephaistos in stone, holding upon his hand a

mouse, and by letters inscribed he says these words: "Let him who looks

upon me learn to fear the gods."

142. So far in the story the Egyptians and the priests were they who

made the report, declaring that from the first king down to this

priest of Hephaistos who reigned last, there had been three hundred and

forty-one generations of men, and that in them there had been the same

number of chief-priests and of kings: but three hundred generations

of men are equal to ten thousand years, for a hundred years is three

generations of men; and in the one-and-forty generations which remain,

those I mean which were added to the three hundred, there are one

thousand three hundred and forty years. Thus in the period of eleven

thousand three hundred and forty years they said that there had arisen

no god in human form; nor even before that time or afterwards among the

remaining kings who arose in Egypt, did they report that anything of

that kind had come to pass. In this time they said that the sun had

moved four times from his accustomed place of rising, and where he now

sets he had thence twice had his rising, and in the place from whence he

now rises he had twice had his setting; 127 and in the meantime nothing

in Egypt had been changed from its usual state, neither that which comes

from the earth nor that which comes to them from the river nor that

which concerns diseases or deaths.

143. And formerly when Hecataios the historian was in Thebes, and had

traced his descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenth

generation before, the priests of Zeus did for him much the same as they

did for me (though I had not traced my descent). They led me into the

sanctuary of the temple, which is of great size, and they counted up the

number, showing colossal wooden statues in number the same as they said;

for each chief-priest there sets up in his lifetime an image of himself:

accordingly the priests, counting and showing me these, declared to me

that each one of them was a son succeeding his own father, and they went

up through the series of images from the image of the one who had

died last, until they had declared this of the whole number. And when

Hecataios had traced his descent and connected his family with a god in

the sixteenth generation, they traced a descent in opposition to this,

besides their numbering, not accepting it from him that a man had been

born from a god; and they traced their counter-descent thus, saying that

each one of the statues had been piromis son of piromis, until they had

declared this of the whole three hundred and forty-five statues, each

one being surnamed piromis; and neither with a god nor a hero did

they connect their descent. Now piromis means in the tongue of Hellas

"honourable and good man."

144. From their declaration then it followed, that they of whom the

images were had been of form like this, and far removed from being gods:

but in the time before these men they said that gods were the rulers in

Egypt, not mingling 128 with men, and that of these always one had power

at a time; and the last of them who was king over Egypt was Oros the son

of Osiris, whom the Hellenes call Apollo: he was king over Egypt last,

having deposed Typhon. Now Osiris in the tongue of Hellas is Dionysos.

145. Among the Hellenes Heracles and Dionysos and Pan are accounted the

latest-born of the gods; but with the Egyptians Pan is a very ancient

god, and he is one of those which are called the eight gods, while

Heracles is of the second rank, who are called the twelve gods, and

Dionysos is of the third rank, namely of those who were born of the

twelve gods. Now as to Heracles I have shown already how many years old

he is according to the Egyptians themselves, reckoning down to the

reign of Amasis, and Pan is said to have existed for yet more years than

these, and Dionysos for the smallest number of years as compared with

the others; and even for this last they reckon down to the reign of

Amasis fifteen thousand years. This the Egyptians say that they know for

a certainty, since they always kept a reckoning and wrote down the years

as they came. Now the Dionysos who is said to have been born of Semele

the daughter of Cadmos, was born about sixteen hundred years before my

time, and Heracles who was the son of Alcmene, about nine hundred years,

and that Pan who was born of Penelope, for of her and of Hermes Pan is

said by the Hellenes to have been born, came into being later than the

wars of Troy, about eight hundred years before my time.

146. Of these two accounts every man may adopt that one which he shall

find the more credible when he hears it. I however, for my part, have

already declared my opinion about them. 129 For if these also, like

Heracles the son of Amphitryon, had appeared before all men's eyes and

had lived their lives to old age in Hellas, I mean Dionysos the son of

Semele and Pan the son of Penelope, then one would have said that these

also 130 had been born mere men, having the names of those gods who had

come into being long before: but as it is, with regard to Dionysos the

Hellenes say that as soon as he was born Zeus sewed him up in his thigh

and carried him to Nysa, which is above Egypt in the land of Ethiopia;

and as to Pan, they cannot say whither he went after he was born. Hence

it has become clear to me that the Hellenes learnt the names of these

gods later than those of the other gods, and trace their descent as if

their birth occurred at the time when they first learnt their names.

Thus far then the history is told by the Egyptians themselves;

147, but I will now recount that which other nations also tell, and the

Egyptians in agreement with the others, of that which happened in this

land: and there will be added to this also something of that which I

have myself seen.

Being set free after the reign of the priest of Hephaistos, the

Egyptians, since they could not live any time without a king, set up

over them twelve kings, having divided all Egypt into twelve parts.

These made intermarriages with one another and reigned, making agreement

that they would not put down one another by force, nor seek to get an

advantage over one another, but would live in perfect friendship: and

the reason why they made these agreements, guarding them very strongly

from violation, was this, namely that an oracle had been given to them

at first when they began to exercise their rule, that he of them who

should pour a libation with a bronze cup in the temple of Hephaistos,

should be king of all Egypt (for they used to assemble together in all

the temples).

148. Moreover they resolved to join all together and leave a memorial of

themselves; and having so resolved they caused to be made a labyrinth,

situated a little above the lake of Moiris and nearly opposite to that

which is called the City of Crocodiles. This I saw myself, and I found

it greater than words can say. For if one should put together and reckon

up all the buildings and all the great works produced by the Hellenes,

they would prove to be inferior in labour and expense to this labyrinth,

though it is true that both the temple at Ephesos and that at Samos are

works worthy of note. The pyramids also were greater than words can say,

and each one of them is equal to many works of the Hellenes, great

as they may be; but the labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. It has

twelve courts covered in, with gates facing one another, six upon the

North side and six upon the South, joining on one to another, and the

same wall surrounds them all outside; and there are in it two kinds of

chambers, the one kind below the ground and the other above upon these,

three thousand in number, of each kind fifteen hundred. The upper set

of chambers we ourselves saw, going through them, and we tell of them

having looked upon them with our own eyes; but the chambers under ground

we heard about only; for the Egyptians who had charge of them were

not willing on any account to show them, saying that here were the

sepulchres of the kings who had first built this labyrinth and of the

sacred crocodiles. Accordingly we speak of the chambers below by what we

received from hearsay, while those above we saw ourselves and found them

to be works of more than human greatness. For the passages through the

chambers, and the goings this way and that way through the courts, which

were admirably adorned, afforded endless matter for marvel, as we went

through from a court to the chambers beyond it, and from the chambers

to colonnades, and from the colonnades to other rooms, and then from the

chambers again to other courts. Over the whole of these is a roof made

of stone like the walls; and the walls are covered with figures carved

upon them, each court being surrounded with pillars of white stone

fitted together most perfectly; and at the end of the labyrinth, by

the corner of it, there is a pyramid of forty fathoms, upon which large

figures are carved, and to this there is a way made under ground.

149. Such is this labyrinth; but a cause for marvel even greater than

this is afforded by the lake, which is called the lake of Moiris, along

the side of which this labyrinth is built. The measure of its circuit is

three thousand six hundred furlongs 131 (being sixty schoines), and this

is the same number of furlongs as the extent of Egypt itself along the

sea. The lake lies extended lengthwise from North to South, and in depth

where it is deepest it is fifty fathoms. That this lake is artificial

and formed by digging is self-evident, for about in the middle of the

lake stand two pyramids, each rising above the water to a height of

fifty fathoms, the part which is built below the water being of just the

same height; and upon each is placed a colossal statue of stone sitting

upon a chair. Thus the pyramids are a hundred fathoms high; and these

hundred fathoms are equal to a furlong of six hundred feet, the fathom

being measured as six feet or four cubits, the feet being four palms

each, and the cubits six. The water in the lake does not come from the

place where it is, for the country there is very deficient in water, but

it has been brought thither from the Nile by a canal: and for six months

the water flows into the lake, and for six months out into the Nile

again; and whenever it flows out, then for the six months it brings

into the royal treasury a talent of silver a day from the fish which are

caught, and twenty pounds 132 when the water comes in.

150. The natives of the place moreover said that this lake had an

outlet under ground to the Syrtis which is in Libya, turning towards the

interior of the continent upon the Western side and running along by

the mountain which is above Memphis. Now since I did not see anywhere

existing the earth dug out of this excavation (for that was a matter

which drew my attention), I asked those who dwelt nearest to the lake

where the earth was which had been dug out. These told me to what place

it had been carried away; and I readily believed them, for I knew by

report that a similar thing had been done at Nineveh, the city of the

Assyrians. There certain thieves formed a design once to carry away the

wealth of Sardanapallos son of Ninos, the king, which wealth was very

great and was kept in treasure-houses under the earth. Accordingly they

began from their own dwelling, and making estimate of their direction

they dug under ground towards the king's palace; and the earth which was

brought out of the excavation they used to carry away, when night came

on, to the river Tigris which flows by the city of Nineveh, until at

last they accomplished that which they desired. Similarly, as I heard,

the digging of the lake in Egypt was effected, except that it was done

not by night but during the day; for as they dug the Egyptians carried

to the Nile the earth which was dug out; and the river, when it received

it, would naturally bear it away and disperse it. Thus is this lake said

to have been dug out.

151. Now the twelve kings continued to rule justly, but in course of

time it happened thus:—After sacrifice in the temple of Hephaistos

they were about to make libation on the last day of the feast, and the

chief-priest, in bringing out for them the golden cups with which they

had been wont to pour libations, missed his reckoning and brought eleven

only for the twelve kings. Then that one of them who was standing last

in order, namely Psammetichos, since he had no cup took off from his

head his helmet, which was of bronze, and having held it out to receive

the wine he proceeded to make libation: likewise all the other kings

were wont to wear helmets and they happened to have them then. Now

Psammetichos held out his helmet with no treacherous meaning; but they

taking note of that which had been done by Psammetichos and of the

oracle, namely how it had been declared to them that whosoever of them

should make libation with a bronze cup should be sole king of Egypt,

recollecting, I say, the saying of the Oracle, they did not indeed deem

it right to slay Psammetichos, since they found by examination that he

had not done it with any forethought, but they determined to strip him

of almost all his power and to drive him away into the fen-country, and

that from the fen-country he should not hold any dealings with the rest

of Egypt.

152. This Psammetichos had formerly been a fugitive from the Ethiopian

Sabacos who had killed his father Necos, from him, I say, he had

then been a fugitive in Syria; and when the Ethiopian had departed in

consequence of the vision of the dream, the Egyptians who were of the

district of Saïs brought him back to his own country. Then afterwards,

when he was king, it was his fate to be a fugitive a second time

on account of the helmet, being driven by the eleven kings into the

fen-country. So then holding that he had been grievously wronged by

them, he thought how he might take vengeance on those who had driven

him out: and when he had sent to the Oracle of Leto in the city of Buto,

where the Egyptians have their most truthful Oracle, there was given to

him the reply that vengeance would come when men of bronze appeared from

the sea. And he was strongly disposed not to believe that bronze men

would come to help him; but after no long time had passed, certain

Ionians and Carians who had sailed forth for plunder were compelled to

come to shore in Egypt, and they having landed and being clad in bronze

armour, one of the Egyptians, not having before seen men clad in bronze

armour, came to the fen-land and brought a report to Psammetichos that

bronze men had come from the sea and were plundering the plain. So he,

perceiving that the saying of the Oracle was coming to pass, dealt in a

friendly manner with the Ionians and Carians, and with large promises he

persuaded them to take his part. Then when he had persuaded them, with

the help of those Egyptians who favoured his cause and of these foreign

mercenaries he overthrew the kings.

153. Having thus got power over all Egypt, Psammetichos made for

Hephaistos that gateway of the temple at Memphis which is turned towards

the South Wind; and he built a court for Apis, in which Apis is kept

when he appears, opposite to the gateway of the temple, surrounded all

with pillars and covered with figures; and instead of columns there

stand to support the roof of the court colossal statues twelve cubits

high. Now Apis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Epaphos.

154. To the Ionians and to the Carians who had helped him Psammetichos

granted portions of land to dwell in, opposite to one another with

the river Nile between, and these were called "Encampments": 133 these

portions of land he gave them, and he paid them besides all that he had

promised: moreover he placed with them Egyptian boys to have them taught

the Hellenic tongue; and from these, who learnt the language thoroughly,

are descended the present class of interpreters in Egypt. Now the

Ionians and Carians occupied these portions of land for a long time, and

they are towards the sea a little below the city of Bubastis, on that

which is called the Pelusian mouth of the Nile. These men king Amasis

afterwards removed from thence and established them at Memphis, making

them into a guard for himself against the Egyptians: and they being

settled in Egypt, we who are Hellenes know by intercourse with them

the certainty of all that which happened in Egypt beginning from king

Psammetichos and afterwards; for these were the first men of foreign

tongue who settled in Egypt: and in the land from which they were

removed there still remained down to my time the sheds where their ships

were drawn up and the ruins of their houses.

Thus then Psammetichos obtained Egypt:

155, and of the Oracle which is in Egypt I have made mention often

before this, and now I will give an account of it, seeing that it is

worthy to be described. This Oracle which is in Egypt is sacred to Leto,

and it is established in a great city near that mouth of the Nile which

is called Sebennytic, as one sails up the river from the sea; and the

name of this city where the Oracle is found is Buto, as I have said

before in mentioning it. In this Buto there is a temple of Apollo and

Artemis; and the temple-house 134 of Leto, in which the Oracle is, is

both great in itself and has a gateway of the height of ten fathoms: but

that which caused me most to marvel of the things to be seen there, I

will now tell. There is in this sacred enclosure a house of Leto made of

one single stone as regards both height and length, and of which all the

walls are in these two directions equal, each being forty cubits; and

for the covering in of the roof there lies another stone upon the top,

the cornice measuring four cubits. 135

156. This house then of all the things that were to be seen by me in

that temple is the most marvellous, and among those which come next is

the island called Chemmis. This is situated in a deep and broad lake

by the side of the temple at Buto, and it is said by the Egyptians

that this island is a floating island. I myself did not see it either

floating about or moved from its place, and I feel surprise at hearing

of it, wondering if it be indeed a floating island. In this island of

which I speak there is a great temple-house of Apollo, and three several

altars are set up within, and there are planted in the island many

palm-trees and other trees, both bearing fruit and not bearing fruit.

And the Egyptians, when they say that it is floating, add this story,

namely that in this island, which formerly was not floating, Leto, being

one of the eight gods who came into existence first, and dwelling in the

city of Buto where she has this Oracle, received Apollo from Isis as a

charge and preserved him, concealing him in the island which is said now

to be a floating island, at that time when Typhon came after him seeking

everywhere and desiring to find the son of Osiris. Now they say that

Apollo and Artemis are children of Dionysos and of Isis, and that Leto

became their nurse and preserver; and in the Egyptian tongue Apollo is

Oros, Demeter is Isis, and Artemis is Bubastis. From this story and from

no other Æschylus the son of Euphorion took 136 this which I shall say,

wherein he differs from all the preceding poets; he represented namely

that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter. For this reason then, they

say, it became a floating island.

Such is the story which they tell;

157, but as for Psammetichos, he was king over Egypt for four-and-fifty

years, of which for thirty years save one he was sitting before Azotos,

a great city of Syria, besieging it, until at last he took it: and this

Azotos of all cities about which we have knowledge held out for the

longest time under a siege.

158. The son of Psammetichos was Necos, and he became king of Egypt.

This man was the first who attempted the channel leading to the

Erythraian Sea, which Dareios the Persian afterwards completed: the

length of this is a voyage of four days, and in breadth it was so dug

that two triremes could go side by side driven by oars; and the water is

brought into it from the Nile. The channel is conducted a little above

the city of Bubastis by Patumos the Arabian city, and runs into the

Erythraian Sea: and it is dug first along those parts of the plain of

Egypt which lie towards Arabia, just above which run the mountains which

extend opposite Memphis, where are the stone-quarries,—along the base of

these mountains the channel is conducted from West to East for a great

way; and after that it is directed towards a break in the hills and

tends from these mountains towards the noon-day and the South Wind

to the Arabian gulf. Now in the place where the journey is least and

shortest from the Northern to the Southern Sea (which is also called

Erythraian), that is from Mount Casion, which is the boundary between

Egypt and Syria, the distance is exactly 137 a thousand furlongs to the

Arabian gulf; but the channel is much longer, since it is more winding;

and in the reign of Necos there perished while digging it twelve myriads

13701 of the Egyptians. Now Necos ceased in the midst of his digging,

because the utterance of an Oracle impeded him, which was to the effect

that he was working for the Barbarian: and the Egyptians call all men

Barbarians who do not agree with them in speech.

159. Thus having ceased from the work of the channel, Necos betook

himself to waging wars, and triremes were built by him, some for the

Northern Sea and others in the Arabian gulf for the Erythraian Sea; and

of these the sheds are still to be seen. These ships he used when he

needed them; and also on land Necos engaged battle at Magdolos with the

Syrians, and conquered them; and after this he took Cadytis, which is

a great city of Syria: and the dress which he wore when he made these

conquests he dedicated to Apollo, sending it to Branchidai of the

Milesians. After this, having reigned in all sixteen years, he brought

his life to an end, and handed on the kingdom to Psammis his son.

160. While this Psammis was king of Egypt, there came to him men sent by

the Eleians, who boasted that they ordered the contest at Olympia in the

most just and honourable manner possible and thought that not even the

Egyptians, the wisest of men, could find out anything besides, to be

added to their rules. Now when the Eleians came to Egypt and said that

for which they had come, then this king called together those of the

Egyptians who were reputed the wisest, and when the Egyptians had come

together they heard the Eleians tell of all that which it was their part

to do in regard to the contest; and when they had related everything,

they said that they had come to learn in addition anything which the

Egyptians might be able to find out besides, which was juster than this.

They then having consulted together asked the Eleians whether their own

citizens took part in the contest; and they said that it was permitted

to any one who desired it, both of their own people and of the other

Hellenes equally, to take part in the contest: upon which the Egyptians

said that in so ordering the games they had wholly missed the mark of

justice; for it could not be but that they would take part with the man

of their own State, if he was contending, and so act unfairly to the

stranger: but if they really desired, as they said, to order the games

justly, and if this was the cause for which they had come to Egypt, they

advised them to order the contest so as to be for strangers alone to

contend in, and that no Eleian should be permitted to contend. Such was

the suggestion made by the Egyptians to the Eleians.

161. When Psammis had been king of Egypt for only six years and had made

an expedition to Ethiopia and immediately afterwards had ended his life,

Apries the son of Psammis received the kingdom in succession. This man

came to be the most prosperous of all the kings up to that time except

only his forefather Psammetichos; and he reigned five-and-twenty years,

during which he led an army against Sidon and fought a sea-fight with

the king of Tyre. Since however it was fated that evil should come upon

him, it came by occasion of a matter which I shall relate at greater

length in the Libyan history, 138 and at present but shortly. Apries

having sent a great expedition against the Kyrenians, met with

correspondingly great disaster; and the Egyptians considering him

to blame for this revolted from him, supposing that Apries had with

forethought sent them out to evident calamity, in order (as they said)

that there might be a slaughter of them, and he might the more securely

rule over the other Egyptians. Being indignant at this, both these men

who had returned from the expedition and also the friends of those who

had perished made revolt openly.

162. Hearing this Apries sent to them Amasis, to cause them to cease

by persuasion; and when he had come and was seeking to restrain the

Egyptians, as he was speaking and telling them not to do so, one of the

Egyptians stood up behind him and put a helmet 139 upon his head, saying

as he did so that he put it on to crown him king. And to him this

that was done was in some degree not unwelcome, as he proved by his

behaviour; for as soon as the revolted Egyptians had set him up as king,

he prepared to march against Apries: and Apries hearing this sent to

Amasis one of the Egyptians who were about his own person, a man of

reputation, whose name was Patarbemis, enjoining him to bring Amasis

alive into his presence. When this Patarbemis came and summoned Amasis,

the latter, who happened to be sitting on horseback, lifted up his leg

and behaved in an unseemly manner, 140 bidding him take that back to

Apries. Nevertheless, they say, Patarbemis made demand of him that he

should go to the king, seeing that the king had sent to summon him; and

he answered him that he had for some time past been preparing to do

so, and that Apries would have no occasion to find fault with him. Then

Patarbemis both perceiving his intention from that which he said, and

also seeing his preparations, departed in haste, desiring to make known

as quickly as possible to the king the things which were being done:

and when he came back to Apries not bringing Amasis, the king paying

no regard to that which he said, 141 but being moved by violent anger,

ordered his ears and his nose to be cut off. And the rest of the

Egyptians who still remained on his side, when they saw the man of most

repute among them thus suffering shameful outrage, waited no longer but

joined the others in revolt, and delivered themselves over to Amasis.

163. Then Apries having heard this also, armed his foreign mercenaries

and marched against the Egyptians: now he had about him Carian and

Ionian mercenaries to the number of thirty thousand; and his royal

palace was in the city of Saïs, of great size and worthy to be seen.

So Apries and his army were going against the Egyptians, and Amasis and

those with him were going against the mercenaries; and both sides came

to the city of Momemphis and were about to make trial of one another in

fight.

164. Now of the Egyptians there are seven classes, and of these one

class is called that of the priests, and another that of the

warriors, while the others are the cowherds, swineherds, shopkeepers,

interpreters, and boatmen. This is the number of the classes of the

Egyptians, and their names are given them from the occupations

which they follow. Of them the warriors are called Calasirians and

Hermotybians, and they are of the following districts, 142—for all Egypt

is divided into districts.

165. The districts of the Hermotybians are those of Busiris, Saïs,

Chemmis, Papremis, the island called Prosopitis, and the half of

Natho,—of these districts are the Hermotybians, who reached when most

numerous the number of sixteen myriads. 14201 Of these not one has

learnt anything of handicraft, but they are given up to war entirely.

166. Again the districts of the Calasirians are those of Thebes,

Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytos, Athribis, Pharbaithos,

Thmuïs Onuphis, Anytis, Myecphoris,—this last is on an island opposite

to the city of Bubastis. These are the districts of the Calasirians;

and they reached, when most numerous, to the number of five-and-twenty

myriads 14202 of men; nor is it lawful for these, any more than for the

others, to practise any craft; but they practise that which has to do

with war only, handing down the tradition from father to son.

167. Now whether the Hellenes have learnt this also from the Egyptians,

I am not able to say for certain, since I see that the Thracians also

and Scythians and Persians and Lydians and almost all the Barbarians

esteem those of their citizens who learn the arts, and the descendants

of them, as less honourable than the rest; while those who have got free

from all practice of manual arts are accounted noble, and especially

those who are devoted to war: however that may be, the Hellenes have all

learnt this, and especially the Lacedemonians; but the Corinthians least

of all cast slight upon those who practise handicrafts.

168. The following privilege was specially granted to this class and to

none others of the Egyptians except the priests, that is to say, each

man had twelve yokes 143 of land specially granted to him free from

imposts: now the yoke of land measures a hundred Egyptian cubits every

way, and the Egyptian cubit is, as it happens, equal to that of Samos.

This, I say, was a special privilege granted to all, and they also had

certain advantages in turn and not the same men twice; that is to say, a

thousand of the Calasirians and a thousand of the Hermotybians acted as

body-guard to the king during each year; 144 and these had besides their

yokes of land an allowance given them for each day of five pounds weight

14401 of bread to each man, and two pounds of beef, and four half-pints

145 of wine. This was the allowance given to those who were serving as

the king's bodyguard for the time being.

169. So when Apries leading his foreign mercenaries, and Amasis at

the head of the whole body of the Egyptians, in their approach to one

another had come to the city of Momemphis, they engaged battle: and

although the foreign troops fought well, yet being much inferior in

number they were worsted by reason of this. But Apries is said to have

supposed that not even a god would be able to cause him to cease from

his rule, so firmly did he think that it was established. In that battle

then, I say, he was worsted, and being taken alive was brought away to

the city of Saïs, to that which had formerly been his own dwelling but

from thenceforth was the palace of Amasis. There for some time he was

kept in the palace, and Amasis dealt well with him; but at last, since

the Egyptians blamed him, saying that he acted not rightly in keeping

alive him who was the greatest foe both to themselves and to him,

therefore he delivered Apries over to the Egyptians; and they strangled

him, and after that buried him in the burial-place of his fathers: this

is in the temple of Athene, close to the sanctuary, on the left hand as

you enter. Now the men of Saïs buried all those of this district who had

been kings, within the temple; for the tomb of Amasis also, though it is

further from the sanctuary than that of Apries and his forefathers,

yet this too is within the court of the temple, and it consists of

a colonnade of stone of great size, with pillars carved to imitate

date-palms, and otherwise sumptuously adorned; and within the colonnade

are double-doors, and inside the doors a sepulchral chamber.

170. Also at Saïs there is the burial-place of him whom I account it not

pious to name in connexion with such a matter, which is in the temple of

Athene behind the house of the goddess, 146 stretching along the whole

wall of it; and in the sacred enclosure stand great obelisks of stone,

and near them is a lake adorned with an edging of stone and fairly made

in a circle, being in size, as it seemed to me, equal to that which is

called the "Round Pool" 147 in Delos.

171. On this lake they perform by night the show of his sufferings, and

this the Egyptians call Mysteries. Of these things I know more fully in

detail how they take place, but I shall leave this unspoken; and of the

mystic rites of Demeter, which the Hellenes call thesmophoria, of these

also, although I know, I shall leave unspoken all except so much as

piety permits me to tell. The daughters of Danaos were they who brought

this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the women of the Pelasgians;

then afterwards when all the inhabitants of Peloponnese were driven out

by the Dorians, the rite was lost, and only those who were left behind

of the Peloponnesians and not driven out, that is to say the Arcadians,

preserved it.

172. Apries having thus been overthrown, Amasis became king, being of

the district of Saïs, and the name of the city whence he was is Siuph.

Now at the first the Egyptians despised Amasis and held him in no

great regard, because he had been a man of the people and was of no

distinguished family; but afterwards Amasis won them over to himself by

wisdom and not wilfulness. Among innumerable other things of price which

he had, there was a foot-basin of gold in which both Amasis himself and

all his guests were wont always to wash their feet. This he broke up,

and of it he caused to be made the image of a god, and set it up in the

city, where it was most convenient; and the Egyptians went continually

to visit the image and did great reverence to it. Then Amasis, having

learnt that which was done by the men of the city, called together the

Egyptians and made known to them the matter, saying that the image had

been produced from the foot-basin, into which formerly the Egyptians

used to vomit and make water, and in which they washed their feet,

whereas now they did to it great reverence; and just so, he continued,

had he himself now fared, as the foot-basin; for though formerly he

was a man of the people, yet now he was their king, and he bade them

accordingly honour him and have regard for him.

173. In such manner he won the Egyptians to himself, so that they

consented to be his subjects; and his ordering of affairs was thus:—In

the early morning, and until the time of the filling of the market he

did with a good will the business which was brought before him;

but after this he passed the time in drinking and in jesting at his

boon-companions, and was frivolous and playful. And his friends being

troubled at it admonished him in some such words as these: "O king,

thou dost not rightly govern thyself in thus letting thyself descend

to behaviour so trifling; for thou oughtest rather to have been sitting

throughout the day stately upon a stately throne and administering thy

business; and so the Egyptians would have been assured that they were

ruled by a great man, and thou wouldest have had a better report: but as

it is, thou art acting by no means in a kingly fashion." And he answered

them thus: "They who have bows stretch them at such time as they wish to

use them, and when they have finished using them they loose them again;

148 for if they were stretched tight always they would break, so that

the men would not be able to use them when they needed them. So also

is the state of man: if he should always be in earnest and not relax

himself for sport at the due time, he would either go mad or be struck

with stupor before he was aware; and knowing this well, I distribute a

portion of the time to each of the two ways of living." Thus he replied

to his friends.

174. It is said however that Amasis, even when he was in a private

station, was a lover of drinking and of jesting, and not at all

seriously disposed; and whenever his means of livelihood failed him

through his drinking and luxurious living, he would go about and steal;

and they from whom he stole would charge him with having their property,

and when he denied it would bring him before the judgment of an Oracle,

whenever there was one in their place; and many times he was convicted

by the Oracles and many times he was absolved: and then when finally he

became king he did as follows:—as many of the gods as had absolved

him and pronounced him not to be a thief, to their temples he paid no

regard, nor gave anything for the further adornment of them, nor even

visited them to offer sacrifice, considering them to be worth nothing

and to possess lying Oracles; but as many as had convicted him of being

a thief, to these he paid very great regard, considering them to be

truly gods, and to present Oracles which did not lie.

175. First in Saïs he built and completed for Athene a temple-gateway

which is a great marvel, and he far surpassed herein all who had done

the like before, both in regard to height and greatness, so large

are the stones and of such quality. Then secondly he dedicated great

colossal statues and man-headed sphinxes very large, and for restoration

he brought other stones of monstrous size. Some of these he caused to

be brought from the stone-quarries which are opposite Memphis, others

of very great size from the city of Elephantine, distant a voyage of not

less than twenty days from Saïs: and of them all I marvel most at this,

namely a monolith chamber which he brought from the city of Elephantine;

and they were three years engaged in bringing this, and two thousand men

were appointed to convey it, who all were of the class of boatmen. Of

this house the length outside is one-and-twenty cubits, the breadth is

fourteen cubits, and the height eight. These are the measures of the

monolith house outside; but the length inside is eighteen cubits and

five-sixths of a cubit, 149 the breadth twelve cubits, and the height

five cubits. This lies by the side of the entrance to the temple; for

within the temple they did not draw it, because, as it said, while the

house was being drawn along, the chief artificer of it groaned aloud,

seeing that much time had been spent and he was wearied by the work; and

Amasis took it to heart as a warning and did not allow them to draw it

further onwards. Some say on the other hand that a man was killed by it,

of those who were heaving it with levers, and that it was not drawn in

for that reason.

176. Amasis also dedicated in all the other temples which were of

repute, works which are worth seeing for their size, and among them also

at Memphis the colossal statue which lies on its back in front of the

temple of Hephaistos, whose length is five-and-seventy feet; and on the

same base made of the same stone 150 are set two colossal statues, each

of twenty feet in length, one on this side and the other on that side of

the large statue. 151 There is also another of stone of the same size in

Saïs, lying in the same manner as that at Memphis. Moreover Amasis was

he who built and finished for Isis her temple at Memphis, which is of

great size and very worthy to be seen.

177. In the reign of Amasis it is said that Egypt became more prosperous

than at any other time before, both in regard to that which comes to the

land from the river and in regard to that which comes from the land

to its inhabitants, and that at this time the inhabited towns in it

numbered in all twenty thousand. It was Amasis too who established the

law that every year each one of the Egyptians should declare to the

ruler of his district, from what source he got his livelihood, and if

any man did not do this or did not make declaration of an honest way

of living, he should be punished with death. Now Solon the Athenian

received from Egypt this law and had it enacted for the Athenians, and

they have continued to observe it, since it is a law with which none can

find fault.

178. Moreover Amasis became a lover of the Hellenes; and besides other

proofs of friendship which he gave to several among them, he also

granted the city of Naucratis for those of them who came to Egypt to

dwell in; and to those who did not desire to stay, but who made voyages

thither, he granted portions of land to set up altars and make sacred

enclosures for their gods. Their greatest enclosure and that one which

has most name and is most frequented is called the Hellenion, and this

was established by the following cities in common:—of the Ionians Chios,

Teos, Phocaia, Clazomenai, of the Dorians Rhodes, Cnidos, Halicarnassos,

Phaselis, and of the Aiolians Mytilene alone. To these belongs this

enclosure and these are the cities which appoint superintendents of the

port; and all other cities which claim a share in it, are making a claim

without any right. 152 Besides this the Eginetans established on their

own account a sacred enclosure dedicated to Zeus, the Samians one to

Hera, and the Milesians one to Apollo.

179. Now in old times Naucratis alone was an open trading-place, and

no other place in Egypt: and if any one came to any other of the Nile

mouths, he was compelled to swear that he came not thither of his own

will, and when he had thus sworn his innocence he had to sail with his

ship to the Canobic mouth, or if it were not possible to sail by reason

of contrary winds, then he had to carry his cargo round the head of the

Delta in boats to Naucratis: thus highly was Naucratis privileged.

180. Moreover when the Amphictyons had let out the contract for building

the temple which now exists at Delphi, agreeing to pay a sum of three

hundred talents, (for the temple which formerly stood there had been

burnt down of itself), it fell to the share of the people of Delphi to

provide the fourth part of the payment; and accordingly the Delphians

went about to various cities and collected contributions. And when they

did this they got from Egypt as much as from any place, for Amasis gave

them a thousand talents' weight of alum, while the Hellenes who dwelt in

Egypt gave them twenty pounds of silver. 153

181. Also with the people of Kyrene Amasis made an agreement for

friendship and alliance; and he resolved too to marry a wife from

thence, whether because he desired to have a wife of Hellenic race,

or apart from that, on account of friendship for the people of Kyrene:

however that may be, he married, some say the daughter of Battos, others

of Arkesilaos, 154 and others of Critobulos, a man of repute among the

citizens; and her name was Ladike. Now whenever Amasis lay with her he

found himself unable to have intercourse, but with his other wives he

associated as he was wont; and as this happened repeatedly, Amasis said

to his wife, whose name was Ladike: "Woman, thou hast given me drugs,

and thou shalt surely perish 155 more miserably than any other woman."

Then Ladike, when by her denials Amasis was not at all appeased in his

anger against her, made a vow in her soul to Aphrodite, that if Amasis

on that night had intercourse with her (seeing that this was the remedy

for her danger), she would send an image to be dedicated to her at

Kyrene; and after the vow immediately Amasis had intercourse, and from

thenceforth whenever Amasis came in to her he had intercourse with her;

and after this he became very greatly attached to her. And Ladike paid

the vow that she had made to the goddess; for she had an image made

and sent it to Kyrene, and it was still preserved even to my own time,

standing with its face turned away from the city of the Kyrenians. This

Ladike Cambyses, having conquered Egypt and heard from her who she was,

sent back unharmed to Kyrene.

182. Amasis also dedicated offerings in Hellas, first at Kyrene an image

of Athene covered over with gold and a figure of himself made like by

painting; then in the temple of Athene at Lindson two images of stone

and a corslet of linen worthy to be seen; and also at Samos two wooden

figures of himself dedicated to Hera, which were standing even to my own

time in the great temple, behind the doors. Now at Samos he dedicated

offerings because of the guest-friendship between himself and Polycrates

the son of Aiakes; at Lindos for no guest-friendship but because the

temple of Athene at Lindos is said to have been founded by the daughters

of Danaos, who had touched land there at the time when they were fleeing

from the sons of Aigyptos. These offerings were dedicated by Amasis; and

he was the first of men who conquered Cyprus and subdued it so that it

paid him tribute.

—————

NOTES TO BOOK II

1 [ Some write "Psammitichos" with less authority.]

2 [ {tou en Memphi}: many Editors read {en Memphi}, "I heard at Memphis

from the priests of Hephaistos," but with less authority.]

3 [ {'Eliou polin} or {'Elioupolin}, cp. {'Elioupolitai} below.]

4 [ {exo e ta ounamata auton mounon}. Some understand "them" to mean

"the gods"; rather perhaps the meaning is that accounts of such things

will not be related in full, but only touched upon.]

5 [ {ison peri auton epistasthai}.]

6 [ {anthropon}, emphatic, for the rulers before him were gods (ch.

144).]

7 [ {Mina}: others read {Mena}, but the authority of the MSS. is strong

for {Mina} both here and in ch. 99.]

8 [ {tou Thebaikou nomou}, cp. ch. 164.]

9 [ {tautes on apo}: some MSS. omit {apo}, "this then is the land for

which the sixty schoines are reckoned."]

10 [ For the measures of length cp. ch. 149. The furlong ({stadion}) is

equal to 100 fathoms ({orguiai}), i.e. 606 feet 9 inches.]

11 [ Or "without rain": the word {anudros} is altered by some Editors to

{enudros} or {euudros}, "well watered."]

12 [ I have followed Stein in taking {es ta eiretai} with {legon},

meaning "at the Erythraian Sea," {taute men} being a repetition of {te

men} above. The bend back would make the range double, and hence partly

its great breadth. Others translate, "Here (at the quarries) the range

stops, and bends round to the parts mentioned (i.e. the Erythraian

Sea)."]

13 [ {os einai Aiguptou}: cp. iv. 81. Others translate, "considering

that it belongs to Egypt" (a country so vast), i.e. "as measures go in

Egypt." In any case {Aiguptos eousa} just below seems to repeat the same

meaning.]

14 [ Some Editors alter this to "fourteen."]

15 [ {pentastomou}: some less good MSS. have {eptastomou}, "which has

seven mouths."]

16 [ See note on i. 203.]

17 [ {ton erkhomai lexon}: these words are by many Editors marked as

spurious, and they certainly seem to be out of place here.]

18 [ {kou ge de}: "where then would not a gulf be filled up?"]

19 [ {katarregnumenen}: some Editors read {katerregmenen} ("broken up by

cracks") from {katerregnumenen}, which is given by many MSS.]

1901 [ Or possibly "with rock below," in which case perhaps

{upopsammoteren} would mean "rather sandy underneath."]

20 [ We do not know whether these measurements are in the larger

Egyptian cubit of 21 inches or the smaller (equal to the ordinary

Hellenic cubit) of 18½ inches, cp. i. 178.]

21 [ {kai to omoion apodido es auxesin}, "and to yield the like return

as regards increased extent." (Mr. Woods); but the clause may be only a

repetition of the preceding one.]

22 [ i.e. Zeus.]

23 [ i.e. of the district of Thebes, the Thebaïs.]

24 [ {te Libue}.]

25 [ The meaning seems to be this: "The Ionians say that Egypt is the

Delta, and at the same time they divide the world into three parts,

Europe, Asia, and Libya, the last two being divided from one another by

the Nile. Thus they have left out Egypt altogether; and either they must

add the Delta as a fourth part of the world, or they must give up the

Nile as a boundary. If the name Egypt be extended, as it is by the other

Hellenes, to the upper course of the Nile, it is then possible to retain

the Nile as a boundary, saying that half of Egypt belongs to Asia and

half to Libya, and disregarding the Delta (ch. 17). This also would be

an error of reckoning, but less serious than to omit Egypt together."

The reasoning is obscure because it alludes to theories (of Hecataios

and other writers) which are presumed to be already known to the

reader.]

26 [ {Katadoupon}, i.e. the first cataract.]

27 [ "and it gives us here, etc." ({parekhomenos}).]

28 [ {logo de eipein thoumasiotere}. Or perhaps, "and it is more

marvellous, so to speak."]

29 [ {ton ta polla esti andri ke k.t.l.} I take {ton} to refer to the

nature of the country, as mentioned above; but the use of {os} can

hardly be paralleled, and the passage probably requires correction. Some

Editors read {ton tekmeria polla esti k.t.l.} "wherein there are many

evidences to prove, etc." Stein omits {ton} and alters the punctuation,

so that the clauses run thus, "when it flows from the hottest parts to

those which for the most part are cooler? For a man who is capable of

reasoning about such matters the first and greatest evidence to prove

that it is not likely to flow from snow, is afforded by the winds,

etc."]

30 [ {ouk ekhei elegkhon}, "cannot be refuted" (because we cannot

argue with him), cp. Thuc. iii. 53, {ta de pseude elegkhon ekhei}. Some

translate, "does not prove his case."]

31 [ {tes arkhaies diexodou}, "his original (normal) course."]

32 [ {ouk eonton anemon psukhron}: the best MSS. read {kai anemon

psukhron} ("and there are cold winds"), which Stein retains, explaining

that the cold North winds would assist evaporation.]

33 [ {autos eoutou peei pollo upodeesteros e tou thereos}.]

34 [ {diakaion ten diexodon auto}, i.e. {to reri}. Some Editors read

{autou} (with inferior MSS.) or alter the word to {eoutou}.]

35 [ "set forth, so far as I understood."]

36 [ {epi makrotaton}, "carrying the inquiry as far as possible," cp.

ch. 34.]

37 [ I have little doubt that this means the island of Elephantine; for

at this point only would such a mixture of races be found. To this the

writer here goes back parenthetically, and then resumes the account of

the journey upwards from Tachompso. This view is confirmed by the fact

that Strabo relates the same thing with regard to the island of Philai

just above Elephantine.]

3701 [ Cp. i. 72, note 86.]

38 [ {oleureon}.]

39 [ {zeias}.]

40 [ i.e. the hieratic and the demotic characters.]

41 [ {murias, os eipein logo}.]

42 [ Referring apparently to iii. 28, where the marks of Apis are given.

Perhaps no animal could be sacrificed which had any of these marks.]

43 [ {kephale keine}, "that head," cp. {koilien keinen} in the next

chapter.]

44 [ {katharon}.]

45 [ {baris}, cp. ch. 96.]

46 [ Or, "descended from Aigyptos."]

4601 [ Or, "assuming that in those days as now, they were wont to make

voyages, and that some of the Hellenes were seafaring folk."]

47 [ {stelai}, "upright blocks."]

48 [ {lampontos tas nuktas megathos}: some Editors alter {megathos} to

{megalos} or {mega phos}.]

49 [ {enagizousi}.]

50 [ {uon}: some Editors read {oion} "sheep," on the authority of one

MS.]

51 [ {ta ounamata}, which means here rather the forms of personification

than the actual names.]

52 [ {ai pramanteis}.]

53 [ {phegon}.]

54 [ {upo phego pephukuie}, i.e. the oak-tree of the legend was a real

growing tree, though the dove was symbolical.]

55 [ {panegurias}.]

56 [ {prosagogas}, with the idea of bringing offerings or introducing

persons.]

57 [ {epoiethesan}, "were first celebrated."]

58 [ So B.R.]

59 [ {sumphoiteousi}.]

5901 [ i.e. 700,000.]

60 [ See ch. 40.]

61 [ {tesi thusiesi, en tini nukti}: some MSS. give {en te nukti}: hence

several Editors read {tes thusies en te nukti}, "on the night of the

sacrifice."]

62 [ Or, "for what end this night is held solemn by lighting of lamps"

(B.R.), making {phos kai timen} one idea.]

63 [ {alexomenous}: this, which is adopted by most Editors, is the

reading of some less good MSS.; the rest have {alexomenoi}, "strike them

and defend themselves."]

6301 [ {eousa e Aiguptos k.t.l.}: the MSS. have {eousa de Aiguptos}:

Stein reads {eousa gar Aiguptos}.]

64 [ {theia pregmata katalambanei tous aielourous}, which may mean only,

"a marvellous thing happens to the cats."]

65 [ {es 'Ermeo polin}.]

66 [ {dikhelon, oplai boos}, "he is cloven-footed, and his foot is that

of an ox." The words {oplai boos} are marked as spurious by Stein.]

67 [ i.e. above the marshes, cp. ch. 92.]

68 [ {pante}, which by some is translated "taken all together," "at

most." Perhaps there is some corruption of text, and the writer meant to

say that it measured two cubits by one cubit.]

6801 [ The reading of the Medicean MS. is {en esti}, not {enesti} as

hitherto reported.]

69 [ Or, "calling the song Linos."]

70 [ {ton Linon okothen elabon}: the MSS. have {to ounoma} after

{elabon}, but this is omitted by almost all Editors except Stein, who

justifies it by a reference to ch. 50, and understands it to mean "the

person of Linos." No doubt the song and the person are here spoken off

indiscriminately, but this explanation would require the reading {tou

Linou}, as indeed Stein partly admits by suggesting the alteration.]

71 [ The words "and Bacchic (which are really Egyptian)," are omitted by

several of the best MSS.]

72 [ {epezosmenai}.]

73 [ In connexion with death apparently, cp. ch. 132, 170. Osiris is

meant.]

74 [ {sindonos bussines}.]

75 [ {to kommi}.]

76 [ {nros}.]

77 [ Or, "a pleasant sweet taste."]

78 [ {apala}, "soft."]

79 [ {kat oligous ton kegkhron}.]

80 [ {apo ton sillikuprion tou karpou}.]